OMPSNSS:Particles

2.6. Particles.

There are three major classes of particles in Saanich: 1) the pre-predicate particles (§2.6.1), which are proclitics on the predicate head and generally indicate aspect; 2) the post-predicate particles (§2.6.2), which are enclitics on the predicate head and generally indicate the pragmatic setting of the speech act; and 3) the demonstratives (§2.6.3), which are proclitics on full word arguments of the predicate head and generally indicate various deictic qualities of the argument. Two other particles that do not obviously fall into any of these three classes are ∥kʷə∥ ‘subordinator’ and ∥ʔə∥ ‘oblique case marker’. These two are discussed in §2.6.4.

2.6.1. Pre-predicate particles.
Preceding any full word that is the predicate head of a main or subordinate clause is a group of particles that indicate various nuances of aspect. The semantic and syntactic distribution and functions of these particles is not yet completely understood. The following discussions provide a starting point for further study. They are discussed in the order in which they appear before the predicate head. This order is shown in table 10.
Table 10.
Pre-predicate particles

kʷɬ ‘realized’	ʔiʔ ‘accompanying’	čəɬ ‘immediate past’
s ‘unrealized’	ʔəw̕ ‘contemporaneous’	təwə ‘still,yet’

One other particle is discussed here, ∥ʔiʔwəwə∥ ‘perhaps’ (§2.6.1.7). Its place among the pre-predicate particles has not been determined.

2.6.1.1. ∥kʷɬ∥ ‘realized’ closely corresponds to English ‘already’. It is, however, used much more frequently and in situations where ‘already’ would be inappropriate in English. This is the best understood and most common of the pre-predicate particles. It has been recorded in over 300 different examples. This particle often occurs before predicates in the ‘actual’ (§2.3.5). When it occurs with pre-predicate particles ∥ʔiʔ∥ ‘accompanying’ and ∥ʔəw̕∥ ‘contemporaneous’, it always precedes them. It has not been recorded occurring with any other pre-predicate particles. The following examples have been chosen to illustrate ∥kʷɬ∥ occurring with various other aspects. Other examples can be found throughout this work. See especially §2.3.5 and §2.3.6.
1. kʷɬ √téč-əl sən ‘I arrived.’ [REAL √be here-DIR 1SUBJ]
2. kʷɬ č√qéq ‘She gave birth.’ [REAL HAVE√baby]
3. kʷɬ √x̣ʷə́y ʔal̕ ‘He already died.’ [REAL √die LIMIT]
4. kʷɬ nə́w̕ sən ‘I entered.’
5. kʷɬ mə́k̕ʷət sən ‘I picked it up.’
6. kʷɬ ʔə́nəxʷtxʷ sən kʷəʔ ‘I shut it off.’
7. kʷɬ x̣éčəŋ sən ‘I’m dry.’
8. √ƛ̕éʔ səʔ kʷɬ √qəlét √t̕(əl)ə́t̕^θ-t-əs ‘He will squirt it again.’ [√again FUT REAL √repeat √squirt(PL)-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)-3SUBJ]
9. kʷɬ číq ‘Snow fell.’
10. kʷɬ √ʔám̕ət sən ‘I’m sitting now.’ [REAL √sit(ACT) 1SUBJ]
11. kʷɬ hay ɬtə ‘We’re all done.’
12. kʷɬ s√q̕ém̕-əɬ ‘It’s been cut in half.’ [REAL STAT√cut in two(RES)-DUR]

2.6.1.2. ∥s∥ ‘unrealized’ does not appear often in the corpus. It has never been recorded preceding the predicate head of a main clause. It most often occurs before a subordinate clause when the main predicate is ∥√ʔə́wə∥ ‘not’ or ∥√xʷəw̕é∥ ‘not yet’. It occurs before ∥ʔiʔ∥ ‘accompanying’ and ∥ʔəw̕∥ ‘contemporaneous’, but it has not been recorded with other pre-predicate particles.
13. √ʔə́wə s nə-s√lál ‘I didn’t mean to.’ [√not UNREAL 1POS-S√intend]
14. ʔəw̕ √ʔə́wə ʔal̕ s √ʔə́y̕ ‘It isn’t good.’ [CONTEMP √not LIMIT UNREAL √good]
15. s√k̕ʷéy kʷə nə-s√ʔə́wə s əw̕ √yéʔ ‘I have to go.’ [STAT√be unable, be forbidden SUB 1POS-S√not UNREAL CONTEMP √go]
16. √ʔə́wə s iʔ √həlí-sət ‘He didn’t revive.’ [√not UNREAL ACCOM √live-REFL]
17. ʔə́wə sən s əw̕ √mək̕ʷ √kʷə́n-ət tsə s√čéenəxʷ ‘I didn’t take all the fish.’ [√not 1SUBJ UNREAL CONTEMP √all √take-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) S√salmon]
18. √ʔə́wə kʷə n̕-s√k̕ʷə́n-nəxʷ s √tən̕ám̕ət ‘He ignored you.’ [√not SUB 2POS-S√see-NTRAN-3OBJ(ø) UNREAL √pretend]

2.6.1.3. ∥ʔiʔ∥ ‘accompanying’¹ indicates that the activity or situation referred to in the predicate head which follows it actually or conceptually accompanies some other activity or situation. When ∥ʔiʔ∥ is part of a clause that is not the main clause it often functions as a kind of conjunction and is translated as "and" or "with". It is, however, best considered an aspect morpheme. There is nothing like it in English, but it may be useful to imagine the possibility of sentences like "and it’s flying now" being grammatical, acceptable in isolation, and ordinary as discourse initial utterances. Such is not actually the case in English; ‘and’ must refer to some previous linguistic context. In Saanich, however, ∥ʔiʔ∥ can refer to extralinguistic, presupposed context.
Most often the meaning added by the presence of ∥ʔiʔ∥ is vague and difficult to abstract. The meaning of this morpheme is most clearly highlighted in contrast to ∥ʔəw̕∥. See §2.6.1.4 for a discussion of this contrast.
When occurring with other pre-predicate particles it follows only ∥kʷɬ∥ ‘realized’ and ∥s∥ ‘unrealized’. It precedes ∥ʔəw̕∥ ‘contemporaneous’, ∥čəɬ∥ ‘immediate past’, and ∥təwə∥ ‘still, yet’. The initial /ʔ/ deletes following other particles. The final /ʔ/ deletes preceding ∥ʔəw̕∥.
The following examples illustrate ∥ʔiʔ∥ in sentence initial position. In each of these the same translation is given for an otherwise identical sentence without the ∥ʔiʔ∥ particle. The translations are the same but the meanings differ. In each of the following forms with sentence initial ∥ʔiʔ∥, the speaker is conceiving of the stated situation or activity as necessarily involving some other, unstated situation or activity.
19. ʔiʔ √ɬéŋ̕-əɬ ‘It’s coming off now.’ [ACCOM √separate(ACT)-DUR]
20. ʔiʔ s√tkʷ=éy̕əč sən səʔ ‘I’m going to be limping (as part of the first sockeye ceremony).’ [ACCOM S√break=leg 1SUBJ FUT]
21. ʔiʔ ɬí+√ɬək̕ʷ=sən̕ sən ‘I’m tripping.’ [ACCOM ACT+√snare, snag=foot 1SUBJ]
22. ʔiʔ s√čéenəxʷ kʷəʔ ‘It’s "sčéenəxʷ".’ [ACCOM S√salmon INFORM] (This was the answer to the question /ʔən̕sʔínət ʔačə tsə "fish"/ ‘What do you call "fish"?’)
23. ʔiʔ weʔq̕əŋ̕ ‘The fish is diving.’
24. ʔiʔ kʷəl̕əŋ̕ ‘It’s flying now.’
25. ʔiʔ θəlqt ɬtə ‘We’re sharing it.’

The following examples illustrate ∥ʔiʔ∥ in non-initial position. The clause that it appears before may be coordinate or subordinate but ∥ʔiʔ∥ is not a strictly conjunctive or subordinative morpheme in itself.
26. ʔápən ʔiʔ kʷs √nə́t̕^θəʔ ‘Eleven.’ [√ten ACCOM DEM √one]
27. √ʔənʔé sən ʔiʔ √yéʔ sən ‘I come and I go.’ [√come 1SUBJ ACCOM √go 1SUBJ]
28. ʔənʔé sən ʔiʔ yéʔ ‘I come and go.’
29. √nə́kʷə ʔiʔ √ʔə́sə ‘It’s you and me.’ [√you ACCOM √I]
30. √θələ́q-təl̕ ɬtə səʔ ʔiʔ √nə́kʷə ‘We’ll share it with you.’ [√share-CRECIP 1PLSUBJ FUT ACCOM √you]
31. √t̕éʔ-ət sən tsə s√ʔíɬən ʔiʔ √ʔə́y̕ ‘I tasted the food and it was good.’ [√taste-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) 1SUBJ DEM S√eat ACCOM √good]
32. √yéʔ ləʔ sən ʔiʔ √nə́kʷə ‘I went with you.’ [√go PAST 1SUBJ ACCOM √you]
33. √x̣ʷə́ŋ sən ʔiʔ √x̣tí-t ‘I can do it.’ [√be able 1SUBJ ACCOM √prepare, do, make-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)]
34. √ʔíɬən ɬtə iʔ √nə́kʷə ‘We ate together (you and I).’ [√eat 1PLSUBJ ACCOM √you]
35. √háʔ ləʔ sən √yéʔ √q̕ʷə́wyəkʷ ʔiʔ √ŋə́n̕ nə-s√qə́čəʔ ‘When I used to go fishing I caught lots.’ [√when, if PAST 1SUBJ √go √fishing ACCOM √much 1POS-S√catch]

2.6.1.4. ∥ʔəw̕∥ ‘contemporaneous’ is a marker of aspect. It indicates that the activity or situation referred to in the predicate which it precedes has some usually contrasting relevance to some other activity or situation.
The initial /ʔ/ deletes when following another particle. The /ə/ is never stressed and so often deletes. ∥ʔəw̕∥ is then realized phonetically as a glottalized [u].
This morpheme is similar to ∥ʔiʔ∥ ‘accompanying’ in that when it is sentence initial it refers to context outside that of the sentence; when it precedes a non-initial clause the context referred to is stated in the main predicate. Like ∥ʔiʔ∥, it often seems to be an introducer of a subordinate or coordinate clause. Unlike ∥ʔiʔ∥, it does not imply a necessarily accompanying situation. The following pairs of examples show ∥ʔəw̕∥ ‘contemporaneous’ in contrast with ∥ʔiʔ∥ ‘accompanying’.
36a. ʔiʔ šə́təŋ̕ sən ‘I’m walking.’
b. ʔəw̕ šə́təŋ̕ sən ‘I’m walking.’
37a. ʔiʔ təwə šə́təŋ̕ sən ‘I’m still walking.’
b. ʔəw̕ təwə šə́təŋ̕ sən ‘I’m still walking.’
38a. ʔiʔ k̕ʷə́nəɬ ‘He can see.’
b. ʔəw̕ k̕ʷə́nəɬ ‘He can see.’

In each of these six sentences the absence of ∥ʔiʔ∥ or ∥ʔəw̕∥ produces a sentence with the same translation. The differences between ∥ʔiʔ∥ and ∥ʔəw̕∥ are evident when the contexts are considered. The speaker of 36a is on her feet, moving, and stating a fact about what she is doing. In 36b, on the other hand, the speaker may be on her feet, moving, but ∥ʔəw̕∥ here indicates that a contrasting or preceding state of affairs is relevant and provides the sentence with the implication that the speaker is able to walk. This distinction comes out more clearly in 37 with the addition of ∥təwə∥ ‘still, yet’ (see §2.6.1.6). The contexts for these two sentences provided later by informants were: for 37a, ‘I’ve been walking all day and I’m still walking;’ for 37b, ‘my husband’s sick, laid up, but I’m still walking.’ 37a implies a necessarily accompanying situation; 37b implies a contemporaneous situation but no necessary involvement. Examples 38a and 38b in context display the same differences. The context of 38a was ‘he’s trying to look at something and he can see.’ For 38b the context was ‘his eyes are okay; he can see.’ Note that ∥ʔəw̕∥ implies here, as it often does, a contrasting state of affairs.
The two pre-predicate particles ∥ʔiʔ∥ ‘accompanying’ and ∥ʔəw̕∥ ‘contemporaneous’ can cooccur. Given the meanings of the individual morphemes as described above, ‘necessarily involved accompanying situation’ and ‘contemporaneous, not necessarily involved, possibly contrasting situation’, the usual translation for the combination of the two is not surprising. When ∥ʔiʔ∥ precedes ∥ʔəw̕∥ they are usually translated as "but". Compare 39 to 38 above.
39. ʔi əw̕ k̕ʷə́nəɬ ‘But he can see!’

The context for 39 differs from the contexts of the sentences in 38: ‘he’s pretending he’s blind, but he can see.’ The following are a few more examples of ∥ʔiʔ∥ in combination with ∥ʔəw̕∥. Note that the translation does not always include "but"; ∥ʔəw̕∥ does not always imply contrast.
40. √t̕ə́m̕-t-əs tsə s√qéx̣əʔ ʔi əw̕ √qʷəx̣ʷí-t-əs ʔal̕ ‘He was throwing rocks at the dog but kept missing it.’ [√throw, hit(ACT)-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) DEM S√dog ACCOM CONTEMP √miss-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)-3SUBJ LIMIT]
41. √t̕éʔ-ət sən ʔi əw̕ √ʔə́wə ʔal̕ s √ʔə́y̕ ‘I tasted it but it wasn’t good.’ [√taste-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) 1SUBJ ACCOM CONTEMP √not LIMIT UNREAL √good]
42. √čəlél sən ʔi əw̕ √kʷə́n-ət √mə́k̕ʷ ‘I took almost all of it.’ [√almost 1SUBJ ACCOM CONTEMP √take-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) √all]
43. ʔiʔwəwə √x̣ʷə́ŋ ɬtə i əw̕ √yéʔ-naŋət ‘We might be able to go.’ [PERHAPS √be able 1PLSUBJ ACCOM CONTEMP √go-NMDL]

The following are a few examples of ∥ʔəw̕∥ in sentence initial position. Notice how most of them imply a contrasting situation.
44. ʔəw̕ √ʔə́y̕ sən ʔal̕ ‘I’m fine.’ [CONTEMP √good 1SUBJ LIMIT]
45. ʔəw̕ √čéy səʔ kʷəʔ ‘Somebody will work.’ [CONTEMP √work FUT INFORM]
46. ʔəw̕ √yáθ ʔal̕ ʔəw̕ ɬ√p̕áƛ̕-əŋ ‘He’s always smoking.’ [CONTEMP √always LIMIT CONTEMP PART√smoke-CMDL]
47. ʔəw̕ √x̣ʷə́ŋ sən ʔiʔ √yéʔ ‘I can go.’ [CONTEMP √be able 1SUBJ ACCOM √go]
48. ʔəw̕ √níɬ ʔal̕ tsə √pús ‘It’s just a cat.’ [CONTEMP √it is LIMIT DEM √cat]
49. ʔəw̕ sƛ̕áƛ̕əm ʔə ‘Is it right?’
50. ʔəw̕ x̣ə́čt sən səʔ ‘I will consider it.’
51. ʔəw̕ léʔə sən ʔal̕ ‘I’ll stay there.’
52. ʔəw̕ ʔənʔén̕ ʔəw̕ stáqʷəɬ ‘It’s too tight.’
53. ʔəw̕ sə́q̕nəxʷ sən ‘I managed to tear it.’

When ∥ʔəw̕∥ appears within a sentence, and particularly when it is part of a subordinate clause introduced by ∥s-∥ ‘nominalizer’, it is often transliterated "and", "and so", "so", or "so then".
54. √kʷə́n-ət sən kʷə nə-s əw̕ √nəw̕é-s ‘I took it and carried it in.’ [√take-CTRAN-3SUBJ(ø) 1SUBJ SUB 1POS-S CONTEMP √inside-EFFORT]
55. √ʔənʔén̕ sən ʔəw̕ √ɬč=íkʷəs nə-s√yéʔ ʔəw̕ √ʔítət ‘I was very tired so I went to bed.’ [√very 1SUBJ CONTEMP √tired=body 1POS-S√go CONTEMP √sleep]
56. √háʔ ʔən+√ʔén̕ ʔəw̕ √ŋə́n̕ tsə ʔən̕-s√ʔíɬən ʔən̕-s əw̕ txʷ-əs√x̣éɬ-əɬ ‘If you eat too much you’ll get sick.’ [√if, when REPET+√very CONTEMP √much DEM 2POS-S√eat 2POS-S CONTEMP MUT-STAT√sick-DUR]

2.6.1.5. ∥čəɬ∥ ‘immediate past’ does not occur often, but when it does its meaning is clear. It carries a sense that can be expressed in English with "just now". It follows both ∥ʔiʔ∥ ‘accompanying’ and ∥ʔəw̕∥ ‘contemporaneous’, the only pre-predicate particles with which it has been recorded.
57. ʔəw̕ čəɬ nə-s√k̕ʷə́n-nəxʷ ‘I just saw it.’
58. čəɬ nə-s√ʔáaɬ-naŋət ‘I just now finally got on.’
59. čəɬ nə-s√ʔíɬən-naŋət ‘I just finally ate.’
60. ʔəw̕ čəɬ √ɬée-l-naŋət-ɬtə ‘We just finally got to shore.’
61. ʔəw̕ čəɬ nə-s√ʔámət ‘I just (now) sat.’

2.6.1.6. ∥təwə∥ ‘still, yet’ adds the implication that the situation referred to by the predicate was true in the past and continues to be true. This particle does not appear often in the corpus, but its meaning is clear where it does. It follows ∥ʔiʔ∥ ‘accompanying’ and ∥ʔəw̕∥ ‘contemporaneous’ and has not been recorded with any other pre-predicate particle.
62. təwə ʔéɬəʔ sən ‘I’m still here.’ (ʔéɬəʔ sən ‘I’m here.’)
63. təwə √ʔí(ʔ)ɬən̕ sən ‘I’m still eating.’ [STILL √eat(ACT) 1SUBJ]
64. təwə nə√qéq ʔal̕ ‘She’s still my baby.’ [STILL 1POS√baby LIMIT]
65. təwə √yáθ sən ʔal̕ ʔəw̕ √čé(ʔ)i ‘I’m still always working.’ [STILL √always 1SUBJ LIMIT CONTEMP √work(ACT)]

2.6.1.7. ∥ʔiʔwəwə∥ ‘perhaps, maybe’ may actually be a combination of two particles including ∥ʔiʔ∥ ‘accompanying’. If so, the second of the pair, ∥wəwə∥, never occurs without the first. There is at present no good syntactic or semantic reason to divide this form. That it can appear in isolation (example 66) suggests that ∥ʔiʔwəwə∥ or ∥wəwə∥ is a root itself. But when not occurring in isolation it precedes predicate heads that have main clause subject markers. It never takes a subject marker itself. Since it seems to pattern with other pre-predicate particles, it is here tentatively classified as one. It has been recorded preceding ∥ʔəw̕∥ ‘contemporaneous’ and ∥kʷɬ∥ ‘realized’.
66. ʔiʔwəwə ‘Maybe.’ (Given as an answer to /yéʔ ə səʔ sxʷ/ ‘Will you go?’)
67. ʔiʔwəwə ʔəw̕ √kúk sən səʔ ‘I might cook.’ [PERHAPS CONTEMP √cook 1SUBJ FUT]
68. ʔiʔwəwə č√télə ‘Maybe he’s got money.’ [PERHAPS HAVE√money]
69. ʔiʔwəwə kʷɬ ʔápən čəlénəŋ ‘Maybe he’s ten years old (he’s about ten).’
70. ʔiʔwəwə ɬél ɬtə səʔ ‘We might get to shore.’
71. ʔiʔwəwə yéʔ sən ʔal̕ ‘Maybe I’ll just go alone.’
72. ʔiʔwəwə yéʔ sxʷ ‘You might go.’

2.6.2. Post-predicate particles.
Following the first full word of a main clause is a group of particles that indicate qualities of subjectivity. They indicate the speaker’s and addressee’s subjective relationship to the propositional content of the sentence. The notions expressed by these particles include tense, modality, speech act type, and first and second person subject markers.

2.6.2.0.1. Translations are an infamously dubious way of determining grammatical structure. It would, for example, be a serious mistake to label the post-predicate particle ∥ʔal̕∥ ‘limiting’ (§2.6.2.5.6.) an adverb because it is ordinarily translated into English as an adverb, viz. ‘only, just’. Similarly, it would be less than useful to determine that the post-predicate particle ∥səʔ∥ (§2.6.2.3.2.) cannot mean ‘future’ because it modifies forms that translate into English as nouns and nouns in English cannot be inflected for tense (see §2.6.2.3.1.1 and §2.6.2.3.2.3).
However, when it comes to determining the semantics and pragmatic functions of morphemes aside from grammatical category, one is often obliged to consider the various ways a morpheme is translated and further to consider the context in which it is uttered. It is with this in mind that the following discussions refer to translations and extra-linguistic context.

2.6.2.0.2. Sixteen of the post-predicate particles recorded thus far fall into five position classes. Two other post-predicate particles, ∥čtəʔ∥ and ∥waʔačə∥, have been recorded but evidence to determine their position is lacking (§2.6.2.6). Sections 2.6.2.1 to 2.6.2.5 deal with the five classes in the order of their position to the right of the predicate head. Section 2.6.2.7 offers some concluding remarks. A summary of the post-predicate particles is given in table 11 showing the five classes in order of occurrence following the predicate head. For an exception to the order shown here see §2.6.2.3.2.4.
Table 11.
Post-predicate particles

ə ‘yes/no question’	č̕əʔ ‘evidential’	ləʔ ‘past’	sən ‘1st sg. subj.’	q̕əʔ ‘emphatic’
čə ‘command’	yəq ‘optative’	səʔ ‘future’	ɬtə ‘1st pl. subj.’	kʷəʔ ‘informative’
	yəxʷ ‘conjectural’		yəxʷ ‘conjectural’	ʔačə ‘request information’
	q ‘conditional’			kʷəče ‘explanative’
				helə ‘2nd person pluralizer’
				ʔal̕ ‘limiting’

čtəʔ ‘probable’
waʔačə ‘presumptive’

2.6.2.1. Position one includes the primary illocutionary force markers ∥ə∥ ‘yes/no question’ and ∥čə∥ ‘command’.

2.6.2.1.1. ∥ə∥ ‘yes/no question’ forms an interrogative sentence that can be answered with a ‘yes’ or a ‘no’.
1. √tč-ə́-sət ə sxʷ ‘Did you poke yourself?’ [√poke-CTRAN-REFL QUEST 2SUBJ]
2. √háqʷ-nəxʷ ə sxʷ ‘Do you smell it?’ [√smell-NTRAN QUEST 2SUBJ]
3. √ʔənʔé ə č̕ə səʔ ‘Is he coming?’ [√come QUEST EVID FUT]
4. √yéʔ ə ləʔ sxʷ ‘Did you go?’ [√go QUEST PAST 2SUBJ]
5. ʔəw̕ √wəs-él̕s ə tsə s√qéx̣əʔ ‘Does the dog bark?’ [CONTEMP √bark-STRUC(ACT) QUEST DEM S√dog]
6. √k̕ʷən-í-t ə sxʷ kʷə n̕-s-xʷ√t̕^θs=ás-t-əŋ ‘Did you see him hit you?’ [√see-PERSIS-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) QUEST 2SUBJ SUB 2POS-S-LOC√hit=face-CTRAN-PASS]
7. √čákʷ-əs ə sən səʔ ‘Am I going to use it?’ [√use-EFFORT QUEST 1SUBJ FUT]

2.6.2.1.2. ∥čə∥ ‘command’ forms emphatic imperatives.
8. yéʔ čə ‘Go away!’
9. ʔámət čə ‘Sit up!’
10. √p̕ɬ-ə́-sət čə ‘Sober up!’ [√emerge-CTRAN-REFL COMMAND]
11. √ʔənʔé čə q̕ə ‘Come!’ [√come COMMAND EMPH]
12. √k̕ʷən-ət-ál̕xʷ čə ‘Look at us!’ [√see-CTRAN-1PLOBJ COMMAND]
13. √čéy̕ čə səʔ sxʷ ‘You will work!’ [√work COMMAND FUT 2SUBJ]

The second person subject is usually not explicitly mentioned when ∥čə∥ is used to form a command, but there are sentences, such as 13, where both ∥čə∥ and ∥sxʷ∥ appear.

2.6.2.1.2.1. Imperatives of weaker force can be formed without ∥čə∥. These are perhaps better considered ‘instructions’ than ‘commands’. Example 14 is one of a series of similar instructions given by Transformer to Raven’s son in the traditional story ‘Raven abandons his son’ (§3).
14. √θíɬ-əŋ sxʷ ‘Stand up.’ [√stand-CMDL 2SUBJ]

Imperatives with the force of requests have no ∥čə∥ and no overt second person subject. They are thus homophonous with the corresponding declarative sentence with a third person subject.
15. √x̣ət-sí-s-əŋ ‘Fix it for me.’ [√prepare-INDIRECT-(CTRAN)-1OBJ-?]

16. √ʔəx̣ʷ-t-áŋəs ʔə kʷsə nə√tén ‘Take me to my mother.’ [√go to-CAUS-1OBJ OBL DEM 1POS√mother]

2.6.2.1.2.2. ∥čə∥ never occurs with predicates having a second person object. In fact, no sentences with imperative force, whether or not involving ∥čə∥, occur with a second person object. Thus sentences parallel to 15 and 16 with second person objects are rejected. They can be neither imperative, nor declarative with a third person subject.

2.6.2.2. The second position post-predicate particles include the modality markers ∥č̕əʔ∥ ‘evidential’, ∥yəq∥ ‘optative’, and ∥yəxʷ∥ ‘conjectural’.

2.6.2.2.1. ∥č̕əʔ∥ ‘evidential’ expresses a qualification of the speaker’s knowledge of or control over the truth of a statement. In using ∥č̕əʔ∥ the speaker is saying that he is assuming the statement to be true based on evidence from some unspecified third person.
The lack of first-hand knowledge of the speaker expressed by ∥č̕əʔ∥ extends, apparently, to the addressee. That is, ∥č̕əʔ∥ is used to express the fact that neither the speaker nor the addressee has first-hand knowledge of or control over the truth of the statement. Thus, ∥č̕əʔ∥ is used most commonly with a third person subject. It is relatively rare that a speaker will say something about himself or the addressee that neither he nor the addressee has first-hand knowledge of or control over.
The following examples show ∥č̕əʔ∥ with third person subjects.
17. √ʔənʔé č̕əʔ ‘He’ll come (I hear he’s coming).’ [√come EVID]
18. √téč-əl č̕əʔ səʔ ‘Somebody’s coming (I’m expecting somebody).’ [√arrive-DIR EVID FUT]
19. √méʔkʷəɬ č̕əʔ ‘He got hurt.’ [√hurt EVID]
20. č√télə č̕əʔ ‘He’s got money, apparently.’ [HAVE√money EVID]
21. √ƛ̕íw̕ č̕əʔ ʔə tɬ √nə́kʷə ‘He ran away from you.’ [√escape EVID OBL DEM √you]

The implication in 21 is that the addressee did not know he ran away and the speaker knows it only second-hand.
Examples 22 and 23 show ∥č̕əʔ∥ with a first person subject.
22. √ʔíɬən č̕əʔ sən səʔ ‘I’m going to eat.’ [√eat EVID 1SUBJ FUT]
23. √ʔənʔé č̕əʔ sən səʔ √k̕ʷán-ət-əŋ ‘Somebody’s going to come see me.’ [√come EVID 1SUBJ FUT √see(RES)-CTRAN-PASS]

The context for 22 involves the speaker’s having been invited to a feast. That is, the speaker has been told by a third person that he is going to eat. It is this third person, not the speaker or the addressee, that is in control of the speaker’s immediate future eating.
In 23 the first person subject is the semantic patient, not in control of the person who is coming, and therefore not in control of the truth of the statement. No examples of ∥č̕əʔ∥ used with a second person subject have been recorded, but it seems reasonable to assume that sentences like 24 and 25, parallel in structure and interpretation to 22 and 23, would be considered grammatical.
24. (ʔíɬən č̕əʔ sxʷ səʔ) ‘You’re going to eat.’

25. (ʔənʔé č̕əʔ sxʷ səʔ k̕ʷánətəŋ) ‘Somebody’s going to come see you.’

2.6.2.2.1.1. Because ∥č̕əʔ∥ marks a statement as coming from a third person source, it often seems to mark a statement as ‘hearsay’. To gloss the form as ‘reportative’ or ‘quotative’, however, would incorrectly limit its range of use and meaning. Sentence 20, for example, is neither hearsay nor report, but involves the context of the speaker seeing that the subject has recently bought a new boat.

2.6.2.2.1.2. ∥č̕əʔ∥ often appears with ∥ləʔ∥ ‘past’ in the first sentence of traditional stories, as in 26, setting a certain limitation on the speaker’s subscription to the factuality of it.
26. séxʷ+√səxʷ č̕əʔ ləʔ kʷ s√qʷáʔ-əŋ-s, tsə √hə́m̕əw ‘He was lazy to get water, the pigeon.’ [CHAR+√lazy EVID PAST SUB √water-CMDL-3SUBJ, DEM √pigeon]

It appears similarly in descriptions of life in the old days, often translated as ‘it is said’, ‘they say’, or ‘so they say’.
27. √níɬ č̕əʔ š√qén̕+qən̕-s kʷə n̕-s√q̕ə́m̕-t ‘They say they become thieves when you cut them (a baby’s fingernails).’ [√it is EVID S,LOC-CHAR+√steal-3POS SUB 2POS-S√cut(ACT)-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)]

2.6.2.2.2. ∥yəq∥ ‘optative’ forms a sentence that expresses the speaker’s hope or wish for some remote but distinct possibility.
Saanich sentences with ∥yəq∥ are translated into English with first person subjects, ‘I wish’, ‘I hope’, and, rarely, ‘I ought’, whether or not the Saanich grammatical subject is first person.
28. √ɬéw̕ yəq sən ‘I hope I get better.’ [√heal OPT 1SUBJ]
29. √ɬéw̕ yəq sxʷ ‘I hope you get better.’ [√heal OPT 2SUBJ]
30. ɬéw̕ yəq ‘I hope he gets better.’

2.6.2.2.2.1. ∥yəq∥ and ∥səʔ∥ ‘future’ (§2.6.2.3.2.) may not both occur in a sentence. ∥yəq∥ like ∥səʔ∥ expresses the notion of an unrealized state of affairs. A difference between the two morphemes is in the degree to which the speaker expects the proposition eventually to become factual. For ∥səʔ∥ there is a clear positive expectation; for ∥yəq∥ the expectation is distinctly negative.
31. √yéʔ yəq √k̕ʷə́wyəkʷ ‘I wish he’d go out fishing’ [√go OPT √fishing]
32. yéʔ səʔ k̕ʷə́wyəkʷ ‘He’s going to go fishing.’

Since the cooccurrence of ∥yəq∥ and ∥səʔ∥ would produce a contradiction, sentences such as 33 are rejected.
33. * yéʔ yəq sən səʔ

2.6.2.2.2.2. The translation ‘I ought’ comes with the cooccurrence of ∥yəq∥ with ∥ləʔ∥ ‘past’ in certain contexts. But such sentences have alternate translations, as in 34 and 35.
34. √yéʔ yəq ləʔ sən ‘I ought to go/I wish I’d gone.’
35. kʷɬ √ʔí(ʔ)ɬən̕ yəq ləʔ sən ‘I wish I was eating already/I wish I’d been eating already/I ought to be eating already.’ [REAL √eat(ACT) OPT PAST 1SUBJ]

One should not take the alternate translations to show that the Saanich sentences are ambiguous. Rather, it is the element of meaning that the English sentences have in common that shows the sense of the Saanich sentence. Unlike one meaning of ‘ought’ in English, ∥yəq∥ does not involve obligation. With ∥ləʔ∥, ∥yəq∥ implies a desirable but unrealized state of affairs the possibility of which has been previously determined.

2.6.2.2.3. ∥yəxʷ∥ ‘conjectural’ like ∥č̕əʔ∥ expresses a limitation on the reliability of the propositional content of the sentence. In using ∥yəxʷ∥ the speaker limits his responsibility for the factuality of the sentence. With ∥č̕əʔ∥ the speaker ascribes responsibility to a third person; the factuality of the proposition is based on second-hand evidence. ∥yəxʷ∥ marks the sentence as a conjecture with no or little evidence implied.
Although ∥yəxʷ∥ is most often translated as ‘must be’, it represents only the epistemic component of the English phrase. There is neither a sense of obligation nor of necessity implied by ∥yəxʷ∥.
36. √níɬ yəxʷ kʷθə nə√tén ‘It must be my mother.’ [√it is CONJEC DEM(invisible,feminine) 1POS√mother]
37. s-qé+√qəw̕ yəxʷ sxʷ ‘You must be resting.’ [STAT-ACT+√rest CONJEC 2SUBJ]

2.6.2.2.3.1. Often ∥yəxʷ∥ is translated as ‘I wonder’.
38. s√k̕ʷéy yəxʷ ləʔ ʔə kʷs √kʷə́l-əŋ-s ‘I wonder why he didn’t fly.’ [STAT√unable CONJEC PAST OBL SUB √fly-CMDL-3SUBJ]
39. s√téŋ yəxʷ ʔačə ‘I wonder what else?’ [S√what CONJEC REQINF]

Another translation for example 38 could be ‘he mustn’t have been able to fly.’ Though this was not the translation given by the speaker, the context of sentence 38 shows that the translation that was given is actually a report of what the speaker was doing in saying the sentence.
The speaker was listening to a story about Raven’s son (who must have been a bird) being abandoned on a drifting log and crying for help. The speaker took advantage of a pause in the narrative to make the comment 38. The translation was given only after it was requested while relistening to the tape recorded narrative and comments. Since the speaker was interested in actually translating the narrative she merely reported or commented on her comment on the narrative.
The speaker’s comment on the use of 38 may be interpreted as a comment on the use of ∥yəxʷ∥. When a speaker uses ∥yəxʷ∥ he is ‘wondering’, considering an unevidenced possibility.

2.6.2.2.3.2. Examples 40 to 42 have neither ‘must be’ nor ‘I wonder’ in the translation but can be seen in context to express the ‘conjectural’ sense as described.
40. √níʔ yəxʷ kʷsə √θá(ʔ)kʷ-əs ‘Somebody’s squealing on me (but I don’t know who).’ [√exist CONJEC DEM √turn informer(ACT)-(CTRAN)-1OBJ]
41. √yéʔ ə yəxʷ ɬtə səʔ ʔəw̕ √yéʔ-naŋət ‘Are we ever going to go?’ [√go QUEST CONJEC 1PLSUBJ FUT CONTEMP √go-NMDL]
42. kʷɬ iʔ √ʔənʔé ə yəxʷ ‘Is he coming?’ [REAL ACCOM √come QUEST CONJEC]

The speaker of 42 had been waiting a long while for her husband who was out fishing with a group of boats. When she saw a some boats coming in from the horizon she wondered aloud 42.

2.6.2.2.4. ∥q∥ ‘conditional’ appears too infrequently in the corpus to determine its status. It appears in only a few sentences all having the same general structure as example 43.
43. √háʔ q ləʔ sən č√télə, nə-s-əw̕ √ʔəlq-əláʔ ʔə kʷs √ʔél̕əŋ ‘If I had money, I’d buy a house.’ [√if, when CONDIT PAST 1SUBJ HAVE√money, 1POS-S-CONTEMP √buy-STRUC OBL DEM √house]

2.6.2.3. The third position post-predicate particles include the tense markers ∥ləʔ∥ and ∥səʔ∥.

2.6.2.3.1. ∥ləʔ∥ ‘past’ marks the proposition as having factuality at a time previous to the present.

2.6.2.3.1.1. ∥ləʔ∥ is often translated into English by a sentence with the emphatic past tense ‘did’ (examples 44 to 46) and often with non-emphatic past tense (examples 47 to 50).
44. √sč̕ə́-sə ləʔ sən ‘I did spank you.’ [√spank-(CTRAN)-2OBJ PAST 1SUBJ]
45. kʷɬ √leʔ-sí-s-əŋ ləʔ sxʷ ‘You did fix it for me.’ [REAL √repair-INDIRECT-(CTRAN)-1OBJ-? PAST 2SUBJ]
46. ʔəw̕ √yáθ ləʔ sən ʔəw̕ √kʷən-í-t ‘I did hold it steady.’ [CONTEMP √long time PAST 1SUBJ CONTEMP √hold-PERSIS-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)]
47. kʷɬ √k̕ʷən̕-st-áŋ̕əs ləʔ sxʷ ‘You showed it to me already.’ [REAL √see(ACT)-CAUS-1OBJ PAST 2SUBJ]
48. ʔəw̕ s-q̕é+√q̕əp ləʔ ‘It used to be tied.’ [CONTEMP STAT-ACT+√gather PAST]
49. √yéʔ ə ləʔ sxʷ ‘Did you ever go?’ [√go QUEST PAST 2SUBJ]
50. √k̕ʷən-t-él̕ŋən̕ ləʔ sən ‘I wanted to see it.’ [√see-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)-DESID PAST 1SUBJ]

Since tense marking is not obligatory in Saanich ∥ləʔ∥ is often used for emphasis. Also, in extended narratives the time is set usually by the occurrence of ∥ləʔ∥ in the first sentence.

2.6.2.3.1.2. ∥ləʔ∥ occas ionally appears in sentences that have a past tense English translation. Such occurrences are due to the absence in Saanich of a formal correlate to a semantic distinction between things and actions or states, which in English is expressed by the distinction between nouns and verbs.
51. nə-s√táləs ləʔ ‘He’s my ex-husband.’ [1POS-S√spouse PAST]
52. nə√tén ləʔ ‘It’s my mother who’s passed away.’ [1POS√mother PAST]

In both 51 and 52 the predicate heads are translated as nouns. However, both conform to the definition of ∥ləʔ∥ given above. The propositions are marked as having factuality at a time previous to the present.
For other examples of ∥ləʔ∥ see §2.6.2 34, 35, and 38. For ∥ləʔ∥ cooccurring with ∥č̕əʔ∥ see §2.6.2.2.1.2. For ∥ləʔ∥ cooccurring with ∥yəq∥ see §2.6.2.2.2.2.

2.6.2.3.2. ∥səʔ∥ ‘future’ marks the proposition as being strongly expected to have factuality at a time subsequent to the present.
As would any morpheme involving the notion of future, ∥səʔ∥ has an irrealis component to its meaning. This, however, is not significant as a characteristic or defining aspect of its meaning. ∥səʔ∥ is always to be interpreted as concerning expectations with regard to the future.

2.6.2.3.2.1. When the predicate translates into English as a verb, sentences with ∥səʔ∥ are translated with English future ‘will’ or ‘going to’.
53. √sč̕ə́-sə sən səʔ ‘I’m going to spank you’ [√spank-(CTRAN)-2OBJ 1SUBJ FUT]
54. √méʔkʷ-əɬ səʔ sxʷ ‘You’ll get hurt.’ [√hurt-DUR FUT 2SUBJ]
55. √ʔənʔé č̕əʔ səʔ ‘He’ll come.’ [√come EVID FUT]
56. √ʔəlq-əláʔ səʔ ʔə kʷs √ʔél̕əŋ ‘He’s going to buy a house.’ [√buy FUT OBL DEM √house]
57. √kʷəkʷ-nə́kʷəl č̕əʔ səʔ ‘They’re going to separate (a married couple).’ [√separate-NRECIP EVID FUT]
58. √θə́ləq-təl ɬtə səʔ ‘We’re going to share it.’ [√share-CRECIP 1PLSUBJ FUT]
59. √ɬée-l ɬtə səʔ ‘We’ll get to shore.’ [√go ashore-DIR 1PLSUBJ FUT]

2.6.2.3.2.2. ∥səʔ∥ occurs also in sentences that do not seem from the English translation to be in the future tense. As with ∥ləʔ∥ ‘past’ (§2.6.2.3.1.2.) this is due to the fact that the predicate in Saanich sometimes translates into English as a noun.
60. nə-s√táləs səʔ ‘He’s my husband to be.’ [1POS-S√spouse FUT]
61. s√q̕ə́p səʔ ‘It’s the gathering (naming ceremony) that’s coming up.’ [S√gather FUT]

2.6.2.3.2.3. ∥səʔ∥ differs from the other post-predicate particles in that its position depends on which pronominal clitic it occurs with. Whereas ∥ləʔ∥ ‘past’ always precedes the subject person markers ∥sən∥, ∥ɬtə∥, and ∥sxʷ∥, ∥səʔ∥ precedes only the second person, ∥sxʷ∥. It follows the first person subject markers ∥sən∥, singular, and ∥ɬtə∥, plural. This can be seen in examples 53, 54, 58, and 59.

2.6.2.3.2.4. ∥səʔ∥ seems to add the implication that the speaker has a certain amount of control over or is quite sure of the future truth of the proposition. An aspect of the meaning of ∥səʔ∥ that is perhaps related to this is that it only occurs with predicates that do not involve an emotional state. The addition of ∥səʔ∥ to such predicates produces sentences that are rejected by informants.
62.(a) √k̕ʷən-t-él̕ŋən sən ‘I want to see it.’ [√see-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)-DESID 1SUBJ]
(b) * k̕ʷəntél̕ŋən sən səʔ
63.(a) šxʷətíŋ sən ‘Somebody hates me.’
(b) * šxʷətín sən səʔ
64.(a) √kʷíx̣ʷ-təl ‘They’re quarrelling.’ [√quarrel-CRECIP]
(b) * kʷíx̣ʷtəl səʔ
In 63 to 65 the (a) forms are identical to the (b) forms except that the (b), rejected, forms have ∥səʔ∥ added. What they have in common is that in each the proposition concerns someone’s emotional state.
For other examples of ∥səʔ∥ see §2.6.2 7, 13, 18, 22, 23, 32, and 41. For the non-cooccurrence of ∥səʔ∥ with ∥yəq∥ see §2.6.2.2.2.1.

2.6.2.4. In the fourth position to the right of the predicate head are the three subject person markers ∥sən∥ ‘first person singular’, ∥ɬtə∥ ‘first person plural’, and ∥sxʷ∥ ‘second person’.
Examples of these three morphemes can be found throughout this work. See especially §2.4.4.
The position of the first person subject markers with respect to ∥səʔ∥ future is discussed in §2.6.2.3.2.4.
See §2.6.2.5.5 for a description of ∥helə∥ ‘second person pluralizer’. ∥sxʷ∥ itself is unmarked as to number.
∥sən∥ and ∥sxʷ∥ can be analyzed as composed of two morphemes each: ∥s-∥, a main clause subject particle base, with ∥-ən∥ and ∥-xʷ∥, personal suffixes. In subordinate clauses these latter two morphemes appear as subjects suffixed to the predicate head. See §2.4.4 for discussion and examples.

2.6.2.5. The fifth position post-predicate particles include ∥q̕əʔ∥ ‘emphatic’, ∥kʷəʔ∥ ‘informative’, ∥ʔačə∥ ‘request information’, ∥kʷəče∥ ‘explanative’, ∥helə∥ ‘second person pluralizer’, and ∥ʔal̕∥ ‘limiting’. The meaning and use of the particles appearing in this position is more diverse than that of the particles in the other positions. The frequency of occurrence of the particles in this group also varies widely. ∥q̕əʔ∥, for instance, is quite rare while ∥kʷəʔ∥ and ∥ʔal̕∥ are ubiquitous.
Actually, it is not entirely clear that these particles form a single position class. There seems to be no semantic or pragmatic reason for ∥helə∥, for instance, to preclude the occurrence of any of the others. Nevertheless, none of the particles in this group has been recorded occurring with any of the others, while each has been recorded following the subject person markers and other post-predicate particles.

2.6.2.5.1. ∥q̕əʔ∥ ‘emphatic’ intensifies the force of the speech act. It is used in declaratives to express the speaker’s certainty; it is used in commands to express the speaker’s insistence. Compare 65 and 66.
65. √ʔənʔé čə ‘Come!’ [√come COMMAND]
66. ʔənʔé čə q̕əʔ ‘Come!’

E.C. commented on these two sentences: "you use [65] if you’re telling somebody to come; you use [66] if they’re stubborn."
67. √háy sxʷ q̕əʔ ‘Thank you!’ [√thank(?) 2SUBJ EMPH]

68. √ʔə́wə√nəʔ q̕əʔ s√téŋ ‘There is nothing!’ [√not√exist EMPH S√what]

Example 67 is a frequently used phrase. Example 68 is Raven’s son’s reply when his father, trying to trick him, insists that he sees something out on the water (see §3 sentence 39).

2.6.2.5.2. ∥kʷəʔ∥ ‘informative’ is used when the speaker is offering the propositional content of the sentence as new or particularly salient information to the addressee.
∥kʷəʔ∥ is very common in conversational discourse but quite rare in narratives. It appears most frequently in isolated sentences with a first person subject.

2.6.2.5.2.1. Despite its frequency of occurrence, or perhaps because of it, the meaning and function of ∥kʷəʔ∥ is the most difficult to determine of all the post-predicate particles. However, one thing that seems clear about ∥kʷəʔ∥ is that it is neither positionally nor semantically related to the demonstrative element ∥kʷ-∥ ‘invisible’ (see §2.6.3.1.). Nevertheless, the gloss and definition above should be regarded as first approximations. They have been determined from speakers’ comments on sentence pairs such as 69 to 72.
69.(a) √č̕ét̕^θ-ət sən ‘I sewed it.’ [√sew-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) 1SUBJ]
(b) č̕ét̕^θ-ət sən kʷəʔ ‘I sewed it.’
70.(a) kʷɬ nə-s√kʷə́s-əs ləʔ ‘I already sent it.’ [REAL 1POS-S√send-EFFORT PAST]
(b) kʷɬ nə-s√kʷə́s-əs ləʔ kʷəʔ ‘I already sent it.’
71.(a) kʷɬ ʔən̕-s√kʷə́s-əs ‘You sent it.’
(b) kʷɬ ʔən̕skʷə́səs kʷəʔ ‘You sent it.’
72.(a) kʷɬ √háy kʷ s√ɬə́mxʷ-s ‘It stopped raining.’ [REAL √finish SUB √rain-3POS]
(b) kʷɬ háy kʷəʔ kʷs ɬə́mxʷs ‘It stopped raining.’

The difference between the (a) and (b) sentences in 69 to 72 are expressed in English by means of intonation and stress. In the translation for 71(b), for example, the second person subject clearly has extra stress. The context for 69(b) involves the speaker informing the addressee that she made the dress herself. The appropriate contexts for 70(b), 71(b), and 72(b) as opposed to the (a) sentences are given by informants as "if you asked me" and "if I were telling somebody."

2.6.2.5.2.2. A problem with the definition above is that it seems to limit ∥kʷəʔ∥ to declarative sentences. But it does rarely make an appearance in questions such as 73 and 74.
73. √x̣əl=ás-t ə sxʷ kʷəʔ ‘Did you take a picture?’ [√draw=face-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) QUEST 2SUBJ INFORM]
74. √ʔəx̣ín kʷəʔ ‘Where is it?’

It may be that ∥kʷəʔ∥ is describable in terms of an intersection of discourse functions such as ‘new informantion’ and ‘topic’.

2.6.2.5.3. ∥ʔačə∥ ‘request information’ forms an interrogative sentence that is specifically marked as a request for information. It is not an interrogative marker in itself but adds to the proposition the implication that the speaker is not in fact in possession of the information requested. ∥ʔačə∥ is used only in sincere requests; it is not used if the speaker already knows the answer to his question. ∥ʔačə∥ appears only in questions ask ing "what", "who", "whose", "when", and "where", though it is not itself to be glossed as any of these. It does not cooccur with ∥ə∥ ‘yes/no question’ (§2.6.2.1.1.), and does not occur in questions involving manner, quantity, or in those requiring an explanation (see §2.6.2.5.4.).

2.6.2.5.3.1. Each of the example sentences 75 to 84 may occur without ∥ʔačə∥ with the same translation. Occasionally the difference is indicated by putting extra stress on the wh- word in the translation of the sentence with ∥ʔačə∥ as in 75.
75.(a) txʷ√sén √máay̕ tséʔə ‘Whose basket is it?’ [MUT√who √basket DEM]
(b) txʷsén ʔačə máay̕ tséʔə ‘Whose basket is it?’
76. √níɬ ʔačə √sén ‘Who is it?’ [√it is REQINF √who]
77. √níɬ ʔačə √sén θéʔə ‘Who is she?’ [√it is REQINF √who DEM]
78. nə́kʷə ʔačə sén ‘Who are you?’
79. ʔəx̣ín ʔačə ‘Where is it?’
80. txʷ√ʔəx̣ín səʔ sxʷ ʔačə ‘Where are you going?’ [MUT√where FUT 2SUBJ REQINF]
81. s√téŋ ʔačə ɬéʔə ‘What is this?’ [S√what REQINF DEM]
82. √ʔín̕-ət sxʷ ʔačə ‘What did you say?’ [√mean-STAT 2SUBJ REQINF]
83. ʔən̕-s√ʔín̕-ət ʔačə ‘What do you mean?’ [2POS-S√mean-STAT REQINF]
84. ʔən̕-s√ʔín̕-ət ʔačə tsə "fish" ‘What do you call "fish"?’ [2POS-S√mean-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) REQINF DEM "fish"]

2.6.2.5.4. ∥kʷəče∥ ‘explanative’ marks a sentence as an offer of or a request for an explanation. In interrogatives ∥kʷəče∥ is complementary to ∥ʔačə∥ ‘request information’ (§2.6.2.5.3.) in that it occurs, where ∥ʔačə∥ does not, in questions of manner and quality. It never appears, however, with ∥ə∥ ‘yes/no question’. ∥kʷəče∥ frequently appears in traditional "explanatory" tales as in 85.
85. √níɬ kʷəče txʷə√ɬə́l̕q̕-sət ʔə kʷs √kʷə́ləŋ-s ‘That’s why they make that flapping noise when they fly.’ [√it is EXPLAN MUT√flapping noise-REFL OBL DEM √fly-3SUBJ]
86. ʔiʔ s√x̣ʷəníŋ̕ sən səʔ kʷəče kʷə nə-s√yéʔ ‘How am I going to get there?’ [ACCOM s√how 1SUBJ FUT EXPLAN SUB 1POS-S√go]
87. √x̣ʷəníŋ kʷəče ʔən̕-šxʷ√yéʔ ‘Why did you go?’ [how EXPLAN 2POS-REAS√go]
88. √níɬ kʷəče š√x̣ʷəníŋ̕-s ‘What does that do?’ [√it is EXPLAN S,LOC√how-3POS]
89. √q̕ʷíŋ kʷəče ʔiʔ √k̕ʷə́n-ət sxʷ kʷə s√téŋ-əs kʷə √ŋá(ʔ)-ət-əs kʷə s√kʷə́ləŋ ‘Get off and see what that (seagull who) flew away was eating.’ [√get off EXPLAN ACCOM √see-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) 2SUBJ SUB S√what-3POS SUB √eat(ACT)-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)-3SUBJ SUB S√fly]

2.6.2.5.5. ∥helə∥ ‘second person pluralizer’ indicates that any second person reference in the clause is to be construed as a plural reference. ∥helə∥ pluralizes second person subjects (examples 90 to 92), possessives (93 and 94), and objects (95 to 97).
90. √kʷə́n-ŋi-t-əŋ sxʷ helə ‘He helps you folks.’ [√help-REL-CTRAN-PASS 2SUBJ 2PL]
91. √kʷəní-ŋ-ət ləʔ sxʷ helə ‘You folks helped him.’ [√help-REL-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) PAST 2SUBJ 2PL]
92. č√télə sxʷ helə ‘You folks have money.’ [HAVE√money 2SUBJ 2PL]
93. √níʔ kʷsə n̕√télə helə s√ʔél̕ ‘You folks got money put away.’ [√exist DEM 2POS√money 2PL S√save(ACT)]
94. ʔən̕√tén helə ‘It’s you folks’ mother.’ [2POS√mother 2PL]
95. √k̕ʷən-st-áŋə sən helə ‘I showed you folks.’ [√see-CAUS-2OBJ 1SUBJ 2PL]
96. k̕ʷən-sí sən helə ‘I’m watching you folks.’ [√see-(CTRAN)-2OBJ(∥-sə∥)-PERSIS 1SUBJ 2PL]
97. š(əl)+√šə́č̕-sə sən səʔ helə ‘I’m going to spank you folks.’ [[DIM(PL)+√spank-(CTRAN)-2OBJ 1SUBJ FUT 2PL]

The independent pronoun ∥√nə́kʷə∥ ‘you’ has a special plural of its own (see §2.4.1) and does not occur with ∥helə∥. Sentences with ∥helə∥ but without a second person reference are rejected.

2.6.2.5.6. ∥ʔal̕∥ ‘limiting’ marks a limit to the truth of the proposition or on the speaker’s intentions with regard to the proposition. It is used to indicate that nothing more than what is said is implied.
∥ʔal̕∥ is often translated vaguely as ‘just’, meaning ‘only’ or ‘merely’, never meaning ‘just now’ or ‘immediate past’. Compare 98 and 99.
98. ʔəw̕ √ʔámət ləʔ sən ʔal̕ ‘I just sat.’ [CONTEMP √sit up PAST 1SUBJ LIMIT]

99. ʔəw̕ čəɬ nə-s√ʔámət ‘I just sat.’ [CONTEMP IMMED 1POS-S√sit]

Sentence 98 implies by the presence of ∥ʔal̕∥ that the speaker sat and that is all she did. Sentence 99, on the other hand, refers to the immediate past.
100. ʔiʔwəwəʔ √yéʔ sən ‘Maybe I’ll go.’ [perhaps √go 1SUBJ]
101. ʔiʔwəwəʔ yéʔ sən ʔal̕ ‘Maybe I’ll just go.’

The context for example 101 involves the speaker waiting for someone who does not come; she is considering going alone.
∥ʔal̕∥ frequently appears with predicate heads which themselves imply a limit.
102. ʔəw̕ √háy ʔal̕ ‘It’s finished.’ [CONTEMP √finish LIMIT]
103. √t̕^θə́l̕-sət ʔiʔ ʔəw̕ √q̕ʷáy̕ ʔal̕ ‘He starved himself to death.’ [√fast,starve(ACT)-(CTRAN)-REFL ACCOM CONT EMP √die LIMIT]
104. √səmxʷ=áθən sən ʔal̕ ‘I shut up.’ [√cover(?)=mouth 1SUBJ LIMIT]
105. kʷɬ √x̣ʷə́y ʔal̕ ‘He already died.’ [REAL √lost LIMIT]
106. ʔəw̕ √yáθ ʔal̕ ʔəw̕ √ʔənʔéʔe ‘He’s always coming.’ [CONTEMP √always LIMIT CONTEMP √come(ACT)]
Since ∥ʔal̕∥ is the most frequently occurring of all post-predicate particles it will be appropriate to give a few more examples of its general use. Note the common translation with ‘just’ and the ‘limiting’ notion applied in each.
107. ʔəw̕ xʷ√t̕^θəʔ=wéč-əŋ sxʷ ʔal̕ ‘Just sit yourself down.’ [CONTEMP LOC√upon=bottom-CMDL 2SUBJ LIMIT]
108. kʷɬ √ʔápən ʔiʔ kʷs √ɬq̕éʔčəs ʔiʔ təwə nə√qéq ʔal̕ ‘She’s fifteen but she’s still my baby.’ [REAL √ten ACCOM DEM √five ACCOM STILL 1POS√baby LIMIT]
109. √məmím̕ən-txʷ sən səʔ ʔal̕ ‘I’m just going to make it small.’ [√small-CAUS 1SUBJ FUT LIMIT]
110. √štə́ŋ-nəs sən səʔ ʔal̕ ‘I’m just going to walk over there.’ [√walk-PURPOS 1SUBJ FUT LIMIT]
111. √yéʔ yəq ləʔ √q̕x̣-əláʔ tx̣ʷén ʔə kʷə nə-s-əw̕ √ʔá(ʔ)mət ʔal̕ ‘I wish I’d gone out clam digging instead of just sitting around at home.’ [√go OPT PAST √clam-STRUC instead(?) OBL SUB 1POS-S-CONTEMP √sit up(ACT) LIMIT]
112. √hiθ-t-áŋəs sxʷ ʔal̕ ‘You kept me for a long time.’ [√long time-CAUS-1OBJ 2SUBJ LIMIT]
113. ʔəw̕ √níɬ ʔal̕ tsə √pús ‘It’s just a cat.’ [CONTEMP √it is LIMIT DEM √cat]
114. k̕ʷə(lə)+√k̕ʷəw̕ə́y̕kʷ ɬtə ʔal̕ ‘We’re just going fishing by ourselves.’ [ACT(PL)+√fishing 1PLSUBJ LIMIT]
115. ʔəw̕ √nə́t̕^θəʔ-txʷ ʔal̕ kʷə n̕-š√məlyí=čəs ‘You can only have one wedding ring.’ [CONTEMP √one-CAUS LIMIT SUB 2POS-S,LOC√wed=hand]

2.6.2.6. ∥čtəʔ∥ ‘probable’ and ∥waʔačə∥ ‘presumptive’ are sparsely documented and neither is recorded occurring with any other post-predicate particle.

2.6.2.6.1. ∥čtəʔ∥ ‘probable’ would seem, from its modal function, to fit into the second position group of post-predicate particles. It expresses a limitation on the speaker’s control of the factuality of the proposition. With ∥čtəʔ∥ the speaker is expressing his belief that the proposition is true, but he’s not sure.

2.6.2.6.1.1. One reason why the position of ∥čtəʔ∥ has not been determined is that it has been impossible to elicit it with other than a third person subject. All combinations of ∥čtəʔ∥ with first or second person subjects have been rejected. It may be that ∥čtəʔ∥ is like ∥č̕əʔ∥ ‘evidential’ (§2.6.2.2.1.) in that the lack of control is implied of both the speaker and the addressee. In this case, as with ∥č̕əʔ∥, it would be pragmatically unlikely for ∥čtəʔ∥ to appear with a first or second person subject.
116. ʔiʔwəwəʔ √čéy̕ čtəʔ ‘He might work.’ [PERHAPS √work PROB]
117. kʷɬ √q̕ʷə́l̕ čtəʔ kʷsə √q̕ʷə́l-əŋ kʷsə nə√mén ‘My father’s barbecue must be ready.’ [REAL √barbecue(ACT) PROB DEM √barbecue-CMDL DEM 1POS√father]

2.6.2.6.2. ∥waʔačə∥ ‘presumptive’ may also belong to the second position group of post-predicate particles. It appears in sentences translated with "I guess...".
118. √níɬ waʔačə šxʷ-ʔə́(l)i+√ʔə̀y̕=mət-s ləʔ tsə √ʔiʔ-ɬ√čé ləʔ ‘I guess that’s why the ancestors were better looking.’ [√it is PRESUM REAS-CHAR(PL)+√good=appearance-3POS PAST DEM √ancestor(good relative past?)]

2.6.2.7. This discussion of the post-predicate particles is not an exhaustive description. The meaning and function of some of the particles is only vaguely understood, particularly most of those in the fifth position (§2.6.2.5.) and the two whose positions are undeterminable (§2.6.2.6.).
A major gap is in the understanding of how these particles function in combination. Not counting the two particles discussed in section 2.6.2.6, there are over eleven hundred possible combinations of post-predicate particles from different groups. Only seventy-four different combinations have been observed; only six different combinations are known to be rejected. It should also be noted that it would not be surprising to discover that there are more post-predicate particles than the nineteen discussed here. Halkomelem (Suttles,1982), it seems, has at least twenty-six.

2.6.3. Demonstratives.
Demonstratives in Saanich are deictic words that function as either articles or pronominals. In the function of article they precede and modify full word arguments of predications. In the function of pronominal they are themselves arguments of predications.
Forms with bases ∥-éʔə∥ ‘non-proximate’, ∥-íʔə∥ ‘proximate’, and ∥-ə́wlə∥ ‘distant’ function as both articles and pronominals. Those with ∥-ə∥ ‘unspecified distance’ function only as articles. One demonstrative, ∥léʔə∥, functions as an argument or as a predicate itself meaning ‘be at a particular place’.
A suffix ∥-ʔ∥ may be attached to any demonstrative to form an emphatic demonstrative.
Similar to the demonstratives of Klallam (Thompson and Thompson, 1971), Songish (Raffo, 1972), and Sooke (Efrat, 1969), Saanich demonstratives are composed of a number of recognizable elements.

Table 12.
Demonstrative formatives

The schema in table 12 shows the order of the ten elements in the twenty-one demonstratives observed to date. It summarizes the following combinations of demonstrative elements: kʷsə, kʷséʔə, kʷsíʔə, kʷsə́wlə, kʷθə, kʷθéʔə, kʷθíʔə, kʷθə́wlə, tsə, tséʔə, tlə, tléʔə, tíʔə, tə́wlə, θə, θléʔə, θéʔə, θíʔə, θə́wlə, ɬéʔə, léʔə. The following combinations have been tested and rejected as demonstratives: *kʷə, *kʷíʔə, *tə, *téʔə, *tsə́wlə. Other combinations have not been tested.
The demonstratives translate into English variously as ‘a’, ‘the’, ‘this’, ‘that’, ‘these’, ‘those’, etc.. Because of the relative richness of deictic distinctions in Saanich, precise meanings are difficult to elicit and even more difficult to infer from textual material.
The glosses given for the component morphemes presented here are those that have been consistently evident.

2.6.3.1. ∥kʷ-∥ ‘invisible, remote’.
1. √x̣č-í-t sən kʷsíʔe s√wə́y̕qəʔ ‘I know this man (here but in another room)’ [√know-PERSIS-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) DEM S√man]
2. kʷɬ √q̕ʷə́l̕ čtə kʷsə s√q̕ʷə́l-əŋ kʷsə nə√mén ‘My father’s barbecue must be ready’ (He’s hiding from his father and can smell the food cooking.) [REAL √ready PROB DEM S√barbecue DEM 1POS√father]
3. x̣čit sən kʷséʔə swə́y̕qəʔ ‘I know that man (not necessarily near)’
4. x̣čít sən kʷsə́wləʔ swə́y̕qəʔ ‘I know that man (way over there someplace)’
5. √k̕ʷə́n-nəxʷ sən kʷθə s√ɬéniʔ ‘I saw the woman’ (She’s not here now) [√see-NTRAN-3OBJ(ø) 1SUBJ DEM S√woman]
6. x̣čít sən kʷθíʔə sɬéniʔ ‘I know this woman (in another room)’
7. x̣čít sən kʷθéʔə sɬéniʔ ‘I know that woman’
8. x̣čít sən kʷθə́wləʔ sɬéniʔ ‘I know that woman (way over there someplace).’
9. √qəlét sxʷ √x̣ə́n-əŋ kʷséʔə ‘Say that again.’ [√again 2SUBJ √say-CMDL DEM]

2.6.3.2. ∥t-∥ ‘not invisible or generally existent’.
All forms but tsə precede only non-feminine or plural forms, i.e. such constructions as *tíʔə sɬéniʔ are unacceptable.
10. x̣čít sən tsə swə́y̕qəʔ ‘I know the man’
11. x̣čít sən tsə sɬéniʔ ‘I know the woman’
12. s√x̣ʷə̀niŋ-tíxʷ sxʷ tséʔə s√qʷél ‘How do you say that word?’ [STAT√how-? 2SUBJ DEM S√speak]
13. x̣čít sən tíʔə sɬənɬéniʔ ‘I know these women’
14. x̣čít sən tíʔə swə́y̕qəʔ ‘I know this man’ (He’s here and visible)
15. x̣čít sən tə́wləʔ swə́y̕qəʔ ‘I know that man’ (He’s visible but far away)

2.6.3.3. ∥θ-∥ ‘particular feminine individual’.
Articles with this element appear only before forms with a singular feminine referent, so *θə sɬənɬéniʔ is unacceptable.
The form ∥θə∥ is used in place of ∥tsə∥ for purposes of emphasis and contrast.
Compare:
16. √níɬ nə√síʔem̕ tsə s√ɬéniʔ ‘The lady is my boss.’ [√it is 1POS√boss DEM S√woman]
17. níɬ θə sɬéniʔ nəsíʔem̕ ‘The lady is my boss’
18. √ʔə́wə s √!SFQwə́y̕qəʔ nə√síʔem̕ √níɬ θə s√ɬéniʔ ‘The man isn’t my boss; the lady is’ [√not UNREAL √it is DEM S√man 1POS √boss √it is DEM S√woman]
19. √x̣č-í-t sən tsə n̕-s√čéʔčəʔ ‘I know your friend.’ [√know-PERSIS-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) 1SUBJ DEM 2POS-S√friend]
20. x̣čít sən θə n̕sčéʔčəʔ ‘I know your (lady) friend.’

Other forms with ∥θ-∥ in initial position are obligatory with feminine full forms, i.e. forms such as *tíʔe sɬéniʔ are unacceptable.
21. x̣čít sən θíʔə sɬéniʔ ‘I know this woman.’
22. x̣čít sən θə́wləʔ sɬéniʔ ‘I know that woman (way over there).’

2.6.3.4. ∥s-∥ ‘particular individual person, thing, or class’
This element appears only after ∥kʷ-∥ and ∥t-∥.
23. ʔəw̕ √mə́k̕ʷ tsə s√qéx̣əʔ √wəs-él̕s ‘All dogs bark’ (possibly all dogs in the world) [CONTEMP √all DEM S√dog √bark-STRUC(ACT)]
24. wəsél̕s tsə sqéx̣əʔ ‘The dog is barking.’
25. wəsél̕s kʷsə sqéx̣əʔ ‘The dog (not visible) is barking.’

See also examples in 2.6.3.1 and 2.6.3.2.

2.6.3.5. ∥l-∥ ‘at, toward, from, or on a particular place’
∥ɬ-∥ ‘at, toward, from, or on a particular near place’.
These two are the most problematic of all of the elements that make up the demonstrative forms. The following discussions will deal with the various forms in which they occur separately. Sections 2.6.3.5.1. to 2.6.3.5.4 deal with synchronic Saanich grammar. Section 2.6.3.5.5. deals with comparative Straits.

2.6.3.5.1. ∥tléʔə∥ and ∥θléʔə∥ have as clear an interpretation as any of the demonstratives.
26. x̣čít sən tléʔə swə́y̕qəʔ ‘I know the man over there.’
27. x̣čít sən θléʔə sɬéniʔ ‘I know the woman over there.’

2.6.3.5.2.∥léʔə∥ appears often as a predicate meaning ‘be at a particular place’.
28. ʔəw̕ léʔə sən ʔal̕ ‘I’ll stay there.’ [CONTEMP be there 1SUBJ LIMIT]

However, it never appears as an article, i.e. before a full word argument of a predication. This may be simply a deficiency of the corpus.

2.6.3.5.3. ∥ɬéʔə∥ occurs as do the other demonstratives either as an article before a full word argument or as an argument itself. It is most often translated as ‘this ... here’.
29. x̣čít sən ɬéʔə swə́y̕qəʔ ‘I know this man here.’
30. x̣čít sən ɬéʔə sɬéniʔ ‘I know this woman here.’

2.6.3.5.4. ∥tlə∥, the remaning form poses the most problems, primarily morphophonemic. ∥tlə∥ appears in two morphophonemic alternants, phonetically [t_ɬ] and [t_ɬə]. As the ∥t∥ and ∥s∥ of other demonstratives combine to form the affricate [t_s], ∥t∥ and ∥l∥ combine to form the voiceless unglottalized lateral affricate. Neither [t_s] nor [t_ɬ] appear elsewhere in Saanich. [t_ɬ] appears only following forms ending in [ə]; [t_ɬə] appears elsewhere.
31. √yéʔ sən səʔ √ʔáx̣ʷ ʔə tɬ √sət=ín̕əs ‘I’m going over to Sidney.’ [√go 1SUBJ FUT √go to OBL DEM √?=chest(Sidney)]
32. yéʔ sən tɬə sətín̕əs ‘I ‘m going to Sidney.’
33. √se-t-ál̕xʷ sxʷ kʷə √yéʔe ɬtə tɬ š√xʷim=élə ‘You sent us to the store.’ [√send-CTRAN-1PLOBJ SUB 2SUBJ SUB √go(ACT) 1PLSUBJ DEM S,LOC√buy=container(store)]
34. yéʔ sən tɬə šxʷimélə ‘I’m going to the store.’

The schwa in ∥tlə∥ often disappears in rapid speech as does the schwa in the demonstratives ∥tsə∥ and ∥kʷsə∥. This schwa is never stressed, but it always appears in careful pronunciation. However, ∥tlə∥ following [ə] always appears as [t_ɬ], even in careful, slow pronunciation. Nevertheless, as the examples show, [t_ɬ] and [t_ɬə] perform the same function and are in complementary distribution and hence should be regarded as being alternants of one form.

2.6.3.5.4.1. There is a question as to whether the underlying form should be ∥tɬə∥ rather than ∥tlə∥ since the affricate is always voiceless.
As can be seen from the glosses given for the elements ∥ɬ-∥ and ∥l-∥, the two are very similar in meaning. The interpretations, ‘a particular proximate place’ and ‘a particular place’, are, however, clear for the forms ∥ɬéʔə∥, ∥léʔə∥, ∥θléʔə∥, and ∥tléʔə∥. In the latter three the ∥l∥ is consistently [l]. In ∥tléʔə∥ the ∥t∥ is released and the ∥l∥ remains voiced due to the following stress.
∥tlə∥ is used with either a proximate or non-proximate meaning. It appears notably with a proximate sense in sentences of comparison when first or second person is involved. When third person is involved other demonstratives are used.
35. √níɬ √čə́q ʔə tɬ √ʔə́sə ‘He’s bigger than me.’ [√it is √big OBL DEM √I]
36. √ʔə́sə √čə́q ʔə tɬ √nə́kʷə ‘I’m bigger than you.’ [√I √big OBL DEM √you]
37. √níɬ tsə s√wə́y̕qəʔ √čəq ʔə θə s√ɬéniʔ ‘The man is bigger than the woman.’ [√it is DEM S√man √big OBL DEM S√woman]

It appears in other examples with neither a clear proximate nor a clear distant sense.
38. √t̕ə́yəm-t-əŋ tsə s√wə́l-tən ʔə tɬ √qətqəčálə ‘They put a spider’s web on the baby’s hand.’ [√put-CTRAN-PASS DEM S√web,net-INST OBL DEM √baby’s hand(analysis uncertain)]

In most occurrences it appears with a non-proximate sense.
39. √yéʔ sən tɬə √péstən ‘I’m going to America.’ [√go 1SUBJ DEM √America]
!ff! It seems likely that ∥l-∥ and ∥ɬ-∥ have merged in this environment. Since it is ∥ɬ-∥ that is marked proximate and ∥l-∥ unmarked for proximity, ∥tlə∥ has been chosen as the underlying form. There seems to be some comparative evidence (see §2.6.3.5.5.4.) that ∥tlə∥ is at least the historical form of this demonstrative.

2.6.3.5.5. It will be useful to compare Saanich to other Straits dialects with regard to this particle, ∥tlə∥.

2.6.3.5.5.1. The demostrative system of Songish as described by Raffo (1972:66-72) differs in a number of respects from Saanich. Raffo shows a form /tɬ/ but no clear occurrences of it in context. It is charted as -proximate, +definite, -visible. This may or may not be the same as Saanich ∥tlə∥.
Raffo (1972:69) states "demonstratives precede all emphatic pronominals and all roots functioning as subject or object to predications." As noted earlier, this is also the case in Saanich. However, the passage continues, "demonstratives do not precede these when they are objects of the prepositional particle {ʔəƛ̕}."
{ʔəƛ̕} is listed (p.207) as "the prepositional particle" with the gloss ‘to, of, with’. In this section and in various places throughout Raffo gives examples of {ʔəƛ̕} that parallel Saanich sentences with /ʔə tɬ/. Compare 40 with 31.
40. Sg / ʔuʔ yéʔ sən ʔáx̣ʷ ʔəƛ̕ táwən / ‘I go to town.’ (Raffo,1972:207)

No examples of a /tɬə/ or /ƛ̕ə/ particle are given for Songish and no form /ʔəƛ̕/ appears in Saanich. So far this looks like a case of different analyses for a single phenomenon (though Saanich ∥tlə∥ is not glottalized). However, Songish also has sentences like 41.
41. Sg / ʔíʔɬən sən ʔəƛ̕ nə́kʷə/ ‘I eat with you.’ (Raffo,1972:208)

The parallel sentence, 42, is thought strange by Saanich informants. The translation they give shows why.
42. ? ʔíʔɬən sən ʔə tɬ nə́kʷə ‘I’m eating (on) you.’

‘I’m eating with you’ is in Saanich:
43. √ʔí(ʔ)ɬən̕ sən ʔiʔ √nə́kʷə [√eat(ACT) 1SUBJ ACCOMP √you]

Clearly Songish and Saanich differ surprisingly in this respect.

2.6.3.5.5.2. Examples of a form /ƛ̕əʔ/ have been recorded in Klallam but nothing like /ʔəƛ̕/. Compare 44 and 34.
44. Kl hiyáʔ cən ƛ̕əʔ šxʷimáy ‘I’m going to the store.’

The lateral affricate in Klallam /ƛ̕əʔ/ is clearly glottalized. The affricate of ∥tlə∥ in Saanich is not glottalized and clearly contrasts phonetically with /ƛ̕/, though occasionally in rapid speech ∥tlə∥ followed by the emphatic demonstrative suffix ∥-ʔ∥ appears as [ƛ̕] when the unstressed [ə] is lost.

2.6.3.5.5.3. E.O., a younger native speaker of "modern" Saanich who has learned to write his language, consistently transcribes this form as ʔət:
45. ŋən̕ ləʔ ʔəyət ʔət sŋitkʷəɬ ‘There used to be lots of ling-cod in Tod Inlet’ (E.O.)

This corresponds to:
46. √ŋə́n̕ ləʔ √ʔéyət ʔə tɬ s√ŋít=kʷəɬ [√many PAST √ling-cod OBL DEM S√Tod-Inlet(?)]

E.O.’s dialect differs phonologically from "old time" Saanich in other respects. For example, the affricate [t_s] never appears but is replaced by [tθ].
47. ʔənən ƛ̕x̣ʷaləs tθə q̕et̕^θəɬč ‘Really hard is the hardhack.’ (E.O.)

This corresponds to:
48. √ʔənʔén̕ √ƛ̕x̣ʷ=áləs tsə √q̕ét̕^θ=əɬč [√very √hard=eye DEM √hard hack=plant]

His Saanich is perhaps influenced by his fluency in Cowichan, which exhibits the historical change t_s > tθ.

2.6.3.5.5.4. A possible historical picture of these developments in Straits would involve the pan-Salishan avoidance of the unglottalized lateral affricate.
Although [t_ɬ] occasionally appears in Saanich and other Salish languages (e.g. Thompson Salish (Thompson and Thompson,in press)) as the realization of a sequence of phonemes, [t_ɬ] has phonemic status in only one Salish language, Comox, and there it is an "obviously borrowed phoneme" (Thompson,1979a).
Thompson further notes that when a rule in Shuswap deglottalizes the first of a sequence of glottalized consonants /ƛ̕/ appears as [t]. This seems to be the strategy taken by E.O.’s dialect where /tɬ/ becomes [t].

The strategy taken by Klallam seems to be similar to that taken by Squamish. Kuipers (1967:136) discusses a case morpheme /t-/ which when prefixed to the feminine article /ɬa/ produces the glottalized lateral affricate in /ƛ̕a/. However, in their discussion of Klallam demonstratives Thompson and Thompson (1971:265) note that the sequence {tɬ} ‘present - feminine, secondary’ "is represented by /c/." This /c/ in Klallam is cognate with /θ/ in Saanich, so the reinterpretation of /tɬ/ as /c/ must have preceded the historical change PS *c > θ in Saanich as well as the devoicing of the /l/ in the demonstrative sequence /tl/. As pointed out by Thompson, Thompson, and Efrat (1974) this development is a rather late one in Saanich, diffused from Cowichan.
Saanich /l/ corresponds to Klallam /y/. A deictic distinction between /ɬ/ and /y/ in Klallam is cognate with that between /ɬ/ and /l/ in Saanich: Kl /ʔə́ɬaʔ/ ‘be here’ and /ʔiyáʔ/ ‘be there’. A reinterpretation in Klallam of /tləʔ/ to /ƛ̕əʔ/ must have involved a change of l > ɬ in this environmen t and so must have preceded *l > y.
It is possible that at one time in the history of Straits there were two demonstrative elements ∥ɬ-∥, one ‘feminine, secondary’ and the other ‘proximate’. Another possibility is that in Proto-Straits only ∥ɬ-∥, ‘feminine, secondary’ was a demonstrative formative, whereas the ∥ɬ∥ ‘proximate’, ∥l∥ ‘non-proximate’ distinction was found only in the deictic predicates. Klallam reflects the older system while Saanich shows a spread of this deictic predicate distinction to the demonstrative system. In Saanich ∥léʔe∥ is the only demonstrative seen to function also as a predicate.
This and other differences among the demonstrative systems of the Straits languages must be resolved by further historical/comparative investigation.

2.6.3.6. Unresolved problems relating to demonstratives.

2.6.3.6.1. As noted earlier ∥léʔe∥ functions as a predicate meaning ‘be at a particular place’, and thus differs from other demonstratives. A corresponding ‘proximate’ predicate, ∥ʔéɬəʔ∥ ‘be at a particular near place’ appears only as a predicate, though it does seem to exhibit the ∥ɬ-∥ demonstrative formative.
49. ʔəw̕ léʔe sən səʔ ‘I’ll be there.’ [CONTEMP there 1SUBJ FUT]
50. ʔəw̕ ʔéɬəʔ sən səʔ ‘I’ll be here.’

∥ʔéɬəʔ∥ shows no other formal similarities to the demonstratives. It is cognate with Klallam /ʔə́ɬaʔ/ ‘be here’, but there is no Saanich */ʔəléʔ/ corresponding to Klallam /ʔiyáʔ/ ‘be there’ (see §2.6.3.5.5.4).

2.6.3.6.2. ∥léʔe∥ and ∥ʔéɬəʔ∥ both appear with a suffix /-tiʔ/ with the meanings ‘something is at a particular place’ and ‘something is at a particular near place’, respectively.
51. léʔe-tiʔ tsə √θə́qəy̕ ‘That one is the sockeye.’ [that-? DEM √sockeye]
52. ʔéɬ-tiʔ tsə s√ʔíɬən ‘Here is the food.’ [this-? DEM S√eat]
53. léʔetiʔ ‘There it is.’
54. ʔéɬtiʔ ‘Here it is.’

It is possible that this ∥tiʔ∥ is another post-predicate particle (§2.6.2).

2.6.4. Other particles.
The two particles listed here are important syntactic function morphemes. An adequate description of them would require a thorough investigation of the syntax of Saanich. This is beyond the scope of the present work. Here I merely give a gloss, brief description, and a few examples.

2.6.4.1. ∥ʔə∥ ‘oblique case marker’ precedes certain full word arguments to predications. With transitive predicates it occurs before any argument that is not coreferential to the pronominal subject or object. With intransitive predicates it occurs before any argument that is not the subject. Compare examples 1 and 2.
1. √q̕ə́p-əŋ sən ʔə tsə s√čáɬ ‘I gathered the firewood.’ [√gather-CMDL 1SUBJ OBL DEM S√firewood]
2. √q̕ə́p-ət sən tsə s√čáɬ ‘I gathered the firewood.’ [√gather-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) 1SUBJ DEM S√firewood]

In both 1 and 2 /tsə sčáɬ/ is the logical patient. In 1, the intransitive form, the patient is marked by the ‘oblique’; in 2, the transitive form, the patient is coreferential to the object and the ‘oblique’ morpheme is absent.¹
Examples 3 to 14 illustrate other intransitves with the oblique argument in various semantic/case roles.
3. s√q̕ʷáŋiʔ ʔə tɬ √q̕x̣ʷ=əw̕ɬ ‘It’s the head of the canoe.’ [S√head OBL DEM √racing canoe]
4. s√nás ʔə tɬ √ʔésx̣ʷ ‘It’s seal fat.’ [S√fat OBL DEM √seal]
5. θít̕^θəɬ ʔə tsə sŋénət ‘It’s the top of the mountain.’
6. ƛ̕éčəɬ ʔə tsə qʷáʔ ‘It’s the bottom of the water.’
7. √čéʔiʔ ʔə tsə √máay̕ ‘She’s making a basket.’ [√make,work(ACT) OBL DEM √basket]
8. √ʔáaɬ sən ʔə tsə s√nə́xʷəɬ ‘I got on the canoe.’ [√go aboard 1SUBJ OBL DEM S√canoe]
9. √ʔəlq-əláʔ sən ʔə tsə s√nə́xʷəɬ ‘I bought a canoe.’ [√but-STRUC 1SUBJ OBL DEM S√canoe]
10. č√t̕^θə́ŋ sən ʔə kʷs s√t̕^θáqʷiʔ ‘I caught a salmon.’ [HAVE√hook, pinch 1SUBJ OBL DEM S√spring salmon]
11. √ʔəŋ̕á-t-əŋ̕ sən ʔə kʷsə s√nə́xʷəɬ ‘I was given a canoe.’ [√give(ACT)-CTRAN-PASS 1SUBJ OBL DEM S√canoe]
12. šə́ləŋ ʔə tsə sqəlélŋəxʷ ‘He climbed the tree.’
13. √ƛ̕íw̕ ʔə tɬ √ʔə́sə ‘He ran away from me.’ [√escape OBL DEM √I]
14. ʔəw̕ √níɬ ʔal̕ ʔə kʷsə √mén-s ‘He is (i.e. looks like) his father.’ [CONTEMP √it is LIMIT OBL DEM √father-3POS]

Examples 15 to 22 illustrate transitives with ∥ʔə∥ ‘oblique’. Note that the argument following the ‘oblique’ morpheme may be a patient, goal, or other semantic role, but it is never coreferential to either the subject or object.
15. √ʔəlq-sí-t-əs tsəwníɬ tsə ŋən√ŋə́nəʔ-s ʔə tsə √qʷɬə́y̕=šən ‘He bought his kids shoes.’ [√buy-INDIRECT-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)-3SUBJ he DEM PL+√offspring-3POS OBL DEM √shoe=foot]
16. √ʔáŋ-ət-əs tsə s√wíw̕ləs θə √q̕éŋ̕iʔ-s ʔə tsə š√xʷíiləm=čəs ‘The boy gave his girl a ring.’² [√give-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)-3SUBJ DEM S√boy DEM √girl-3POS OBL ring]
17. √kʷə́n-ət ʔə tsə n̕√séləs ‘Grab it with your hands.’ [√take, grasp-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) OBL DEM 2POS√hand]
18. √kʷən-í-t sən ʔə tsə nə√séləs ‘I’m holding it with my hands.’ [√take, grasp-PERSIS-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) 1SUBJ OBL DEM 1POS√hand]
19. √səm̕á(ʔ)-sə sən ʔə tsə nə-s√čéenəxʷ ‘I’m selling you my fish.’ [√sell-(CTRAN)-2OBJ 1SUBJ OBL DEM 1POS-S√salmon]
20. √q̕əp̕=ás-t sən tsə s√tíqew ʔə tsə sqəlélŋəxʷ ‘I tied the horse to a tree.’ [√tie up=face-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) 1SUBJ DEM S√horse OBL DEM tree]
21. √kʷə́s-əs sən ʔə tsə s√qʷél ‘I sent him a message.’ [√send-EFFORT-3OBJ(ø) 1SUBJ OBL DEM S√speak(RES)]
22. √ʔáx̣ʷ-txʷ tsə n̕√séləs ʔə tsə √lətém ‘Put your hand over here on the table.’ [√go over to-CAUS-3OBJ(ø) DEM 2POS√hand OBL DEM √table]

2.6.4.2. ∥kʷə∥ ‘subordinator’ introduces certain subordinate clauses. It has been recorded with two types of complements: 1) those that are nominalized with subjects indicated by the possessive affixes (examples 23-31) and 2) those that are not nominalized and have subjects indicated by the subject suffixes (examples 32-37).
23. t̕é+√t̕əʔ-sət sən kʷə nə-s√čéy ʔə kʷsə s√nə́xʷəɬ ‘I’m learning how to make a canoe.’ [ACT+√learn-REFL 1SUBJ SUB 1POS-S√make,work OBL DEM S√canoe]
24. t̕é+√t̕əʔ-sət sən kʷə nə√sənč=áθən ‘I’m learning to speak Saanich.’ [ACT+√learn-REFL 1SUBJ SUB 1POS√Saanich=mouth]
25. √ʔə́y̕ kʷə nə-s√k̕ʷə́n̕-t ‘I’m protecting it.’ [√good SUB 1POS-S√see(ACT)-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)]
26. √x̣č-í-t sən kʷə nə-s√léʔ-ət ‘I know how to fix it.’ [√figure out-PERSIS-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) 1SUBJ SUB 1POS-S√repair-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)]
27. √ʔəkʷá(ʔ)-sə sən kʷə n̕-s-xʷ√sénəč=qən ‘I’m teaching you to speak Saanich.’ [√teach(ACT)-(CTRAN)-2OBJ 1SUBJ SUB 2POS-S-LOC√Saanich=pharynx]
28. šə̀l̕+√šəl̕-í-ŋ sən kʷə nə-s√ʔíɬən ʔə tsə s√qéwθ ‘The potato (chips) made me thirsty.’ [CHAR+√thirsty-PERSIS-CMDL 1SUBJ SUB 1POS-S√eat OBL DEM S√potato]
29. √ʔə́wə kʷə nə-s√ŋát tsə √ʔésx̣ʷ ‘I don’t eat seal.’ [√not SUB 1POS-S√eat DEM √seal]
30. ʔən̕-s√ƛ̕íʔ ə kʷə n̕-s√čéy ‘Do you want to work?’ [2POS-S√want QUEST SUB 2POS-S√work]
31. qʷə+√qʷəl̕-t-áŋəs sxʷ kʷə n̕-s√ʔítət ‘You talked to me in your sleep.’ [ACT+√speak-CAUS-1OBJ 2SUBJ SUB 2POS-S√sleep]
32. √sé-s sxʷ kʷəʔ kʷə √yéʔ-ən tɬ š√xʷim=éləʔ ‘You told me to go to the store.’ [√command-(CTRAN)-1OBJ 2SUBJ INFORM SUB √go-1SUBJ DEM S,LOC√sell=container]
33. √sé-t-əŋ sən kʷə √kʷəy̕əx̣-t-ən ‘He told me to stir it.’ [√command-CTRAN-PASS 1SUBJ SUB √stir,move-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)-1SUBJ]
34. kʷə č√téləʔ-ən, ʔiʔ √ʔəlq-əláʔ sən ʔə kʷs √ʔél̕əŋ ‘If I had money, I’d buy a house.’ [SUB HAVE√money-1SUBJ, ACCOM √buy-STRUC 1SUBJ OBL DEM √house]
35. ʔəlqəláʔ sən ʔə kʷs ʔél̕əŋ kʷə čtéləʔən ‘I’d buy a house if I had money.’ (Compare with 34.)
36. kʷə √yéʔ-əxʷ, ʔiʔ √ƛ̕éʔ sən ʔəw̕ √yéʔ ‘If you go, I’ll go too.’ [SUB √go-2SUBJ, ACCOM √also 1SUBJ √go]
37. ƛ̕éʔ sən ʔəw̕ yéʔ kʷə yéʔəxʷ ‘I’ll go too if you go.’ (Compare with 36.)

The ∥kʷə∥ ‘subordinator’ is not used in introducing relative clauses³. Compare examples 38, which has ∥kʷə∥ and a nominalized complement, and 39 which contains a relative clause.
38. √k̕ʷə́n-nəxʷ ə sxʷ kʷsə s√wə́y̕qəʔ kʷə nə-s-xʷ√t̕^θs=ás-t-əŋ ‘Did you see the man hit me?’ [√see-NTRAN-3OBJ(ø) QUEST 2SUBJ DEM S√man SUB 1POS-S-LOC√punch=face-CTRAN-PASS]
39. √k̕ʷə́n-nəxʷ ə sxʷ kʷsə s√wə́y̕qəʔ xʷ√t̕^θs=ás-s ‘Did you see the man who hit me?’ [√see-NTRAN-3OBJ(ø) QUEST 2SUBJ DEM S√man LOC√punch=face-(CTRAN)-1OBJ] Notes to §2.6.

1. This term and ‘contemporaneous’ have been used by others referring to cognate morphemes in other Coast Salish languages. See for example Thompson and Thompson (1971).

2. See §2.5 on other differences between transitives and intransitives.

3. The root ∥√ʔaŋ∥ actually means ‘give something to’. In this it is similar to English ‘endow’.