OMPSNSS:Radical Morphology

2.3. Radical morphological processes.

2.3.0.1. The radical morphological processes include all morphology that is not prefixation or suffixation. Radical morphological processes may also be called non-concatenative morphology since they involve morphemes that are not merely attached to the ends of the stem but are internal alterations or copies of it. The radical morphological processes active in Saanich are reduplication, infixation, ablaut, stress shift/metathesis, and glottalization.
These processes are felicitously grouped together in Saanich for several reasons. First, they all seem to indicate an allied set of notions: diminutive, collective, distributive, repetitive, continuative, resultive, etc. Taking Comrie’s (1976) definition of aspect referring to "the internal temporal constituency of a situation," and the fact that all Saanich stems are basically verb-like, we can see that all of the radical morphological processes mark various aspects in a broad sense.
Second, they are formally allied in opposition to the concatenative processes of suffixation and prefixation in that all morphemes involving processes of infixation, ablaut, and stress shift/metathesis have reduplicative allomorphs, while neither prefixes nor suffixes do. In fact, morphemes that involve prefixation and suffixation have only prefixal or suffixal allomorphs. Of the seven reduplicative patterns two (§2.3.1 and §2.3.2) occur with only reduplicative allomorphs. Moreover, when these processes cooccur there arise some interesting complications that appear with no other morphological process. A strict linear ordering of application of these processes can be established (§2.3.8).
The third and least significant reason for grouping these processes together is convenience. Because of their radical altering nature and their formal interaction, these processes present the most difficulties to anyone attempting to parse a Saanich word. The task will be made easier by grouping them together.

2.3.0.2. Six reduplicative C-V patterns have been observed in Saanich: C1V́C2+, C1C2+, C1V́+, C1+, +C1í, and +C2. All C-V notations refer to the consonants and vowels of the root only. Reduplicative processes in Saanich never affect prefixes or suffixes.
Reduplication in Saanich seems to function as a morphological process in itself distinct from affixation. Besides the patterning with the other radical morphological processes noted above, reduplication differs from affixation in two other ways. First, no prefixes in Saanich can carry stress, but three regressive, "prefixal", reduplicative patterns are stressed (§2.3.1, §2.3.5.1, and §2.3.5.5). And, second, while infixation ignores prefixes it does not ignore reduplication. That is, infixes can be inserted into prefixal reduplicative material (see §2.3.3.4.3).
There are two infixes in Saanich: /(ʔ)/ ‘actual’ (§2.3.5) and /(l)/ ‘plural’ (§2.3.3). Each of these has a reduplicative allomorph, and ‘actual’ has in addition a stress shifted or metathesized allomorph. The ‘actual’ aspect is also always accompanied by the glottalization of all non-initial resonants in the word.
Ablaut of the stressed root vowel, ə/e or ə/a, is the primary way the ‘resultive’ (§2.3.6) is marked. The ‘resultive’ also has a reduplicative allomorph. Substitution of /e/ for an underlying /ə́/ accompanies the ‘actual’ infix (§2.3.5).

2.3.1. /C1V́C2+/ ‘characteristic’¹. This pattern occurs without significant variation and seems to be fairly productive. Words with this morpheme are descriptive predicates emphasizing a characteristic trait, tendency, or disposition. A number of animal names involve this pattern.
When primary stress is attracted by certain strong suffixes the stress on the vowel will be reduced. The vowel of the root is reduced to unstressed [ə] and is subject to deletion (see §1.5.4, §1.5.6).
I have analyzed this as regressive (prefixal) reduplication. An alternative would be to consider it progressive (suffixal with two consonant roots and infixal with roots having more than two consonants). There does seem to be some evidence that the regressive analysis is better. The evidence comes from words exhibiting complex reduplication, that is, the cooccurrence of the ‘characteristic’ pattern with another reduplicative morpheme.
1. séy̕+√siʔ sən ‘I’m afraid.’
2. x̣íʔ+√x̣əʔ sən ‘I’m embarrassed.’

Examples 1 and 2 are typical cases of the ‘characteristic’ reduplication pattern. When combined with the C1+ ‘resultive’ reduplication (§2.3.5.6) examples 3 and 4 are the products.
3. séy̕+sə+√siʔ sən ‘I’m scared.’
4. x̣íʔ+x̣ə+√x̣əʔ sən ‘I’m embarrassed.’

If the ‘characteristic’ morpheme were a case of progressive reduplication, we could expect *x̣ə+√x̣íʔ+x̣əʔ and *sə+√séy̕+siʔ since the ‘resultive’ reduplication is clearly regressive. The ‘characteristic’ morpheme must precede² the ‘resultive’ morpheme.
5. s-néw̕+√nəw̕ kʷə ‘They’re in now.’ (This form also shows the ‘resultive’ (§2.3.6) of √nəw̕ ‘be inside’.)
6. qʷə́l+√qʷəl ‘He’s talkative.’ (√qʷəl ‘speak’)
7. čéy+√či ‘He’s diligent.’ (√čey ‘work’)
8. mə́t̕+√mət̕ ‘It’s flexible.’ (√mət̕ ‘bend’)
9. q̕ə̀m̕+√q̕əm̕=éčən ‘A type of wasp.’ (√q̕əm̕ ‘cut in two’)
10. x̣éʔ+√x̣əʔ-ɬ=net ‘Sunday.’ (√x̣eʔ ‘sacred’)
11. ƛ̕ə́x̣ʷ+√ƛ̕əx̣ʷ ‘Oyster.’ (√ƛ̕əx̣ʷ ‘hard’)
12. s-t̕^θéʔ+√t̕^θəʔ ‘He’s mounted (a horse).’ (√t̕^θeʔ ‘upon, high’)
13. š-qén̕+√qən̕-s ‘He’s a thief.’ (√qen̕ ‘steal’)
14. t̕^θə́x̣+√t̕^θəx̣ ‘Stinging nettles.’ (√t̕^θəx̣ ‘poison’)

Some words have been recorded that certainly involve this morpheme, though their roots do not seem to occur independently.
15. séxʷ+√səxʷ ‘He’s lazy.’
16. sə́l̕+√səl̕qʷ ‘He’s lonesome.’
17. q̕ʷə́l+√q̕ʷəl ‘It’s tame.’ (√q̕ʷəl ‘cooked, ripe’)
18. t̕ə̀l+√t̕əl-él̕s-əŋ ‘It’s numb.’
19. čə́l̕+√čəl̕xʷ ‘It’s loose.’
20. k̕ʷám+√k̕ʷəm ‘He’s strong.’
21. šə́n̕+√šən̕ ‘He’s alone.’
22. s-t̕ə́l+√t̕ələq ‘It’s speckled.’
23. k̕ʷə́y̕+√k̕ʷiʔ ‘He’s hungry.’

A few words whose roots do not occur elsewhere seem to bear this reduplicative pattern, but connections between the meanings of the words and the meaning of the morpheme ‘characteristic’ are obscure:
24. s-q̕ə́ɬ+√q̕əɬ ‘Muskrat.’
25. s-kʷə́n̕+√kʷən̕ ‘Carbuncle.’
26. s-x̣ʷə́y̕+√x̣ʷiʔ ‘Masked dancer.’
27. sə́l̕+√səl̕-tən ‘Leg spindle.’
28. mús+√məs ‘Cow.’ (< Chinook Jargon)
29. s-q̕ə̀m+√q̕əm-íl ‘High tide.’
30. ŋél̕+√ŋəl̕ ‘Fish bait.’
31. s-x̣ə́m̕+√x̣əm̕ ‘Horsetail.’ (√x̣əm̕ ‘heavy’?)
32. t̕^θíxʷ+√t̕^θəxʷ ‘Fish hawk.’ (√t̕^θixʷ ‘pity’?)

2.3.2. C1+...(ʔ) ‘diminutive.’ This morpheme is, unfortunately, poorly represented in the corpus. There are enough examples, however, to discern some patterns.
The reference of stems with this pattern is always to something less in size, number, or frequency than the reference of the stem without it. This morpheme is distinct from one meaning ‘young of a species’ (see example 49 below and §2.2.10.1.18).

2.3.2.1. As the notation above implies, the basic form of this morpheme is discontinuous: reduplication of the first root consonant is accompanied by a glottal stop infixed after the stressed vowel (see §1.5.8 on epenthetic schwa):
33. pə+√pá(ʔ)xʷ-ən ‘Small sail.’ (páxʷən ‘sail’)
34. s-tə+√tá(ʔ)kən ‘Little sock.’ (stákən ‘sock’ < English)
35. s-čə+√čə́(ʔ)s=əqʷ ‘Little hat.’ (sčə́səqʷ ‘hat’)
36. kʷə+√kʷí(ʔ)θ=nəč ‘It’s tilted a little.’ (kʷəθnéčt ‘tilt it’)
37. ʔiʔ kʷə+√ké(ʔ)yəl ‘It’s dawn.’ (kʷéčəl ‘It’s daytime.’ See §1.5.9 on y ∼ č.)
38. k̕ʷə+√k̕ʷá(ʔ) təʔ ‘Crow.’ (sk̕ʷtáʔ ‘raven’)

2.3.2.2. When the consonant following the stressed vowel is a resonant or glottal stop, the infix coalesces with it. This differs from the ‘actual’ infix, which does not merge with a following /ʔ/. See §2.3.5.1.
39. č̕ə+√č̕ə́y̕əƛ̕ ‘He’s short.’
40. k̕ʷə+√k̕ʷə́w̕yəkʷ ‘Small fish hook.’ (k̕ʷə́wyəkʷ ‘fishhook’)
41. s-qə+√qx̣=áʔ=aɬ ‘Little puppy.’ (sqéx̣əʔ ‘dog’)
42. mə+√mím̕ən ‘It’s little.’
43. ƛ̕ə+√ƛ̕ə́w̕ƛ̕əʔ ‘A little bit; few.’ (ƛ̕ə́w̕ƛ̕əʔ ‘less’)

Examples 42 and 43 are similar in form and may involve a double reduplication that is not yet understood.

2.3.2.3. When the morphemes ‘diminutive’ and ‘actual’ cooccur in a stem the ordinary realization of the ‘actual’ (see §2.3.5) for the stem is replaced. The simple ‘actual’ has several different morphologically and phonologically conditioned allomorphs: reduplicative, infixed, and stress shifted/metathesized. Though the evidence is limited, the ‘actual’ of the ‘diminutive’ seems to be formed uniformly with C1V́+ reduplication. Compare the following:
44. √štə́ŋ ‘He walked.’
45. ʔiʔ √šə́təŋ ‘He’s walking now.’ [ACCOM √walk(ACT)]
46. ʔiʔ šə́+√štəŋ ‘He’s taking a little walk.’ [ACCOM DIM(ACT)+√walk]

Example 44 is the simple ‘non-actual’ form; 45 is the ordinary metathesized ‘actual’. Example 46 is the ‘actual’ of the ‘diminutive’.
Another case is the word for ‘river’ which is ordinarily in the ‘actual’ form with the infixed /(ʔ)/ (§2.3.5.2) realized as glottalization on the /l/:
47. s√tál̕əw̕ ‘River.’
48. s-tá+√tələw̕ ‘Creek.’

Note that the /l/ in 48 is not glottalized. It is the diminutive of example 47 and exhibits the C1V́+ form of the ‘actual’ of the ‘diminutive’. This may not be simply a substitute reduplicative pattern but a case of the metathesized allomorph of the ‘actual’ replacing the infixed allomorph. See §2.3.8 on the relative ordering of the radical morphological processes.

2.3.2.4. The C1V́+ form of the ‘diminutive’ has been recorded also in one ‘non-actual’ form:
49. pú+√ps ‘Small cat.’ (√pus ‘cat’; √pus=áɬ ‘kitten’)

The root in example 49 happens to be borrowed, but it is doubtful that this is the reason for its apparently unique ‘diminutive’.³ Borrowed words in Saanich generally take the least marked allomorph for any morpheme. Strictly morphologically conditioned variation in derived forms of borrowed words is, if non-existent, extremely rare. It makes sense then to look for some phonological factors influencing the form of the ‘diminutive’ in example 49.
This word, /pús/, also happens to be the only one syllable, CVC stem recorded with a corresponding ‘diminutive’. The expected but non-occurring form for the diminutive of /pús/, *pəpúʔs, would be unusual in that it carries ultimate stress. Some forms of the ‘plural’ (§2.3.3.4), for instance, have special allomorphs that have the effect of avoiding final word stress. For example, the ‘plural’ of the word for ‘cat’ is not *pəlús but /púʔləs/. Only one syllable stems have this allomorph of the ‘plural’.
It seems likely then that the form of the ‘diminutive’ in example 49 is phonologically conditioned. We can expect the ‘diminutive’ of other CVC stems to have C1V́+ reduplication.

2.3.3. Plural.
The term ‘plural’ is a bit misleading in that the meaning of this morpheme does not exactly correspond to usual notions of purality. This morpheme usually indicates a ‘collective’ idea, referring to a group of items considered together rather than a number of items considered individually. Translations usually are in the form of phrases such as "a bunch of ..." or "lots of ...". Generally, in intransitive forms the plurality reflects on the subject, in transitives on the object. Plurality as a category in Saanich is obligatorily marked in only the first person subjects, objects, and posessives (see §2.4).
There are four major allomorphs of the ‘plural’. /(l)/ is by far the most common and itself has some variation (§2.3.3.4). +C1í is less common and usually phonologically predictable (§2.3.3.1). The other two major allomorphs both involve C1C2+. One occurs fairly frequently and is phonologically predictable (§2.3.3.3), while the other is rare and morphologically conditioned (§2.3.3.2). Aside from these four, there are a number of words that seem to remain unmarked in the plural (§2.3.3.5). And, there are a few apparently irregularly marked plurals (§2.3.3.6).

2.3.3.1. +C1í ‘plural’. About fifty examples of this form have been recorded in quite common words. It has never been recorded in European loans (see §2.3.3.4).
This form exhibits regressive or infixal⁴ reduplication of the first consonant of the root accompanied by the replacement of the stressed /ə/ of the root by /í/⁵.
This form of the plural is generally predictable given the following conditions:
A. The root is marked for plural at all.
B. The stem has no vowel but /ə/.
C. The root does not begin with /ʔ/.
D. The stem involves no other form of reduplication.

A fifth condition might be that the root not be a borrowed form. Stems have been recorded that are exceptions: /t̕^θə́x̣tən/ ‘poison’, /štə́mkʷəs/ ‘automobile’, /škʷəstə́nəŋ/ ‘bridge’, /šq̕ə́m̕sət/ ‘trail’, /q̕x̣ʷəw̕ɬ/ ‘big canoe’, and /x̣əlx̣ə́kʷəɬ/ ‘war canoe’. Another exception, /hə́mən/ ‘hammer’, is apparently a borrowing. The first four are considered "modern" words. The last two are likely loans from Wakashan. Each of these exceptions takes the /(l)/ form of the plural (§2.3.3.4) even though they all have only /ə/ as vowels, do not have /ʔ/ as C1 and are not reduplicated. /ŋə́nəʔ/ ‘offspring’ is another exception, but it does not take the infix. See §2.3.3.2. Any other stem that does not meet these conditions does not form the ‘plural’ with +C1í.
Some examples are:
50. š√qʷə+qʷíl̕s ‘Pots.’ (šqʷəl̕s ‘pot for cooking’)
51. s√ƛ̕ə+ƛ̕íwən ‘Several pairs of earrings.’ (ƛ̕ə́wən ‘earrings’)
52. s√wə+wíl-tən ‘Nets.’ (swə́ltən ‘net, web’)
53. s√q̕ə+q̕íməl̕ ‘Paddles.’ (sq̕ə́məl̕ ‘canoe paddle’)
54. √k̕ʷə+k̕ʷíləw̕ ‘A bunch of hides.’ (k̕ʷə́ləw̕ ‘hide, skin’)
55. s√mə+mít=əqsən ‘Lots of snot.’ (smətəqsən ‘nasal mucus’)
56. √sə+símiʔ ‘Blankets.’ (səmə́y̕ ‘blanket’)
57. s√mə+míyəθ ‘A group of deer.’ (smə́yəθ ‘deer’)
58. √ŋə+ŋíqsən ‘A lot of noses.’ (ŋə́qsən ‘nose’)
59. √tə+tíŋəxʷ-s ‘They’re his lands.’ (tə́ŋəxʷs ‘It’s his land.’)
60. s√nə+níxʷəɬ ‘Canoes.’ (snə́xʷəɬ ‘canoe’)
61. s√pə+píɬx̣ən ‘Valleys.’ (spə́ɬx̣ən ‘valley, field’)
62. s√x̣ə+x̣ínəʔ ‘Legs.’ (sx̣ə́nəʔ ‘leg’)
63. √čə+čínəs ‘Teeth.’ (čə́nəs ‘tooth’)

2.3.3.2. C1C2+ ‘plural’. A very small number of stems form the ‘plural’ with this reduplicative pattern. Only three stems involving two roots have been observed. These stems occur frequently and have obvious semantic similarity:
64. s-ɬən+√ɬéni=ʔ ‘Women.’ (sɬéniʔ ‘woman’)
65. s-ɬən+√ɬə̀nəč=áʔ=aɬ ‘Girls.’ (sɬənəčáʔaɬ ‘Girl’)
66. ŋən+√ŋə́n=əʔ-s ‘Her/his children.’ (ŋə́nəʔ ‘son, daughter’)

2.3.3.3. C1C2+ ‘plural’ with C2 being either /l/ or /l̕/. About twenty examples of this ‘plural’ have been recorded. The rule can be stated as follows: stems that do not form the ‘plural’ by +C1í (§2.3.3.1) and have /l/ or /l̕/ in C2 position form the ‘plural’ by regressive reduplication of the first and second consonants (with epenthetic /ə/).
Three forms have been found to be exceptions⁶: /kʷəlíqən/ ‘small bare hill’, /šməlq̕ʷéləʔ/ ‘grave’, and /x̣əlx̣ə́kʷəɬ/ ‘war canoe’. Note that this last is also one of the exceptions to the +C1í form of ‘plural’ mentioned in §2.3.3.1. And as with those exceptions the plural of each of these is formed with the infix (§2.3.3.4).
Some examples:
67. s-t̕əl̕+√t̕él̕=ŋəxʷ ‘Medicines.’ (st̕él̕ŋəxʷ ‘medecine’)
68. s-ʔəl+√ʔéləxʷ ‘Elders.’ (sʔéləxʷ ‘elder’)
69. s-təl̕+√tál̕əw̕ ‘Rivers.’ (stál̕əw̕ ‘river’)
70. s-ƛ̕əl+√ƛ̕éləqəm ‘Fierce animals.’ (sƛ̕éləqəm ‘fierce animal’)
71. səl+√séləs ‘Hands.’ (séləs ‘hand’)
72. s-qəl+√qéləx̣ ‘Root diggers.’ (qéləx̣ ‘root digger’)
73. t̕əl̕+√t̕íl̕əm̕ ‘They’re singing.’ (t̕íl̕əm̕ ‘He’s singing.’)
74. s-ɬəl+√ɬáləč ‘Thighs.’ (sɬáləč ‘thigh’)
75. səl+√síləʔ ‘Grandparents.’ (síləʔ ‘grandparent’)
76. s-qəl+√qəl-él=ŋəxʷ ‘Trees.’ (sqəlélŋəxʷ ‘tree’)

2.3.3.4. /(l)/ ‘plural’. This is by far the most common form of the ‘plural’. Over two hundred words have been recorded using this infix.

2.3.3.4.1. This is the ‘plural’ marker for all words that can be marked for ‘plural’ (see §2.3.3.5 for those that are not marked and §2.3.3.6 for irregular plurals) except those that meet the conditions for +C1í (§2.3.3.1), those that take C1C2+ (§2.3.3.2 and §2.3.3.3), and those listed in §2.3.3.6. The placement of this infix follows simple and quite clear-cut rules⁷: /əl/ is placed immediately after the first consonant of the root (see examples 77 through 90) unless 1) the word consists of only one (C)CVC syllable, in which case /ʔlə/ is placed after the vowel, which if it is /i/ becomes /e/ (examples 91 through 96), or 2) the second consonant of the root is /ʔ/ and it is followed by another consonant, in which case /lə/ is placed between the first vowel and the glottal stop. (examples 97 through 101).
The conditions for these two restrictions rarely occur. The examples listed here (91 - 101) are, in fact, the only ones found.
77. s√n(əl)s-éʔmən ‘It’s a lot of oil.’ (Compare with example 94 below. The suffix here is unidentified.)
78. s√ʔ(əl)áθ=əs ‘Faces.’ (sʔáθəs ‘face’)
79. √š(əl)p=ə́qs-t ‘He sharpened some points (e.g. pencils).’ (špə́qst ‘He sharpened it.’)
80. s√ɬ(əl)p̕=áθən ‘Lips.’ (sɬp̕áθən ‘lip’)
81. √s(əl)éq-əɬ ‘They’re outside.’ (séqəɬ ‘He’s outside.’)
82. √h(əl)íʔəw̕ ‘Everybody’s sitting in the bow.’ (ʔiʔ híʔəw̕ ‘He’s sitting in the bow.’)
83. √m(əl)áay̕ ‘Baskets.’ (máay̕ ‘basket’)
84. √ŋ(əl)íq̕-ən ‘Masts.’ (ŋíq̕ən ‘mast’)
85. š√q̕(əl)ə́m̕-sət ‘Trails.’ (šq̕ə́m̕sət ‘trail, path’)
86. √t̕^θ(əl)əm̕=éen ‘Arrows.’ (t̕^θəm̕éen ‘arrow’. This contains the same root as example 91 below.)
87. √s(əl)éčs ‘Aunts, uncles.’ (sečs ‘aunt, uncle’)
88. √š(əl)əmén-s ‘They’re his enemies.’ (šəméns ‘his enemy’)
89. √t̕^θ(əl)ə́x̣-tən ‘A lot of poison.’ (t̕^θə́x̣tən ‘poison’)
90. √kʷ(əl)əníŋət ‘They’re running.’ (kʷəníŋət ‘run’)

Bases with (C)CVC:
91. s√t̕^θá(ʔlə)m̕ ‘Bones.’ (√t̕^θam̕. Compare with example 86 above.)
92. s√čá(ʔlə)ɬ ‘Lots of wood.’ (√čaɬ)
93. √sá(ʔlə)ɬ ‘Roads; doors.’ (√saɬ)
94. √ná(ʔlə)s ‘They’re fat.’ (√nas)
95. √x̣é(ʔlə)č̕ sən ‘I got all scratched up.’ (x̣éč̕ sən ‘I got scratched.’)
96. √ƛ̕é(ʔlə)w̕ ‘They ran away.’ (√ƛ̕iw̕)

Bases with ...VʔC:
97. √mé(lə)ʔkʷəɬ ‘They got hurt.’ (√méʔkʷəɬ ‘hurt’)
98. √q̕é(lə)ŋi=ʔ ‘Several maidens.’ (q̕éʔŋiʔ ‘maiden’)⁸
99. nə-s√čé(lə)ʔč=əʔ ‘They’re my friends.’ (nəsčéʔčəʔ ‘my friend’)
100. √ʔé(lə)ʔləŋ ‘Houses.’ (√ʔéʔləŋ)

2.3.3.4.2. When a borrowed word is marked for plural it takes /(l)/ like native words:
101. √pú(ʔlə)s ‘Cats.’ (√pus)
102. √k(əl)əpú ‘Coats.’ (kəpú < French "capot")
103. s√t(əl)ákən ‘Socks.’ (stákən < English)
104. √k(əl)áa ‘Cars.’ (káa < English)
105. √w(əl)íič ‘Wedges.’ (wíič < English)
106. √s(əl)plíl ‘Lots of bread.’ (səplíl < Chinook Jargon)
107. √ʔ(əl)épəls ‘Apples.’ (ʔépəls < English)
108. √l(əl)klí ‘Keys.’ (ləklí < French "la clef")

2.3.3.4.3. This form of the plural has been found to occur in words involving other types of radical morphological processes. Reduplicated material is treated as part of the root, not as a prefix.
109. š(əl)ə+√šk̕ʷá(ʔə)m̕ ‘There’s a bunch of them swimming.’ [ACT(PL)+√swim(ACT)]
110. k̕ʷ(əl)ə+√k̕ʷə́w̕yəkʷ ‘Little fishhooks.’ [DIM(PL)+√fishhook] (Compare with §2.3 example 40.)
111. s-t(əl)á+√tələw̕ ‘Creeks.’ [S-DIM,ACT(PL)+√river] (Compare with §2.3 examples 47, 48, and 69.)
112. k̕ʷ(əl)ə+√k̕ʷátəʔ ‘Crows.’ [DIM(PL)+√raven]
113. q̕(əl)ə́m̕+√q̕əm̕ ‘It’s cut up (into a lot of strips).’ [CHAR(PL)+√cut off] (q̕ə́m̕q̕əmət sən ‘I cut it up.’; q̕ə́m̕ət sən ‘I cut it off.’)
114. s-qʷ(əl)ə́l̕+√qʷəl̕ ‘Several stories.’ [S-CHAR(PL)+√speak]

One example has been observed of this suffix being treated as part of the root in a reduplicative process:
115. x̣(əl)+√x̣(əl)ə́ƛ̕-sət ‘It’s stormy; the wind’s blowing and blowing.’ [REPET(PL)+√wind(PL)-REFL] (x̣éƛ̕ ‘It’s windy; the water’s rough’; x̣éƛ̕sət ‘It’s a storm.’)

2.3.3.5. There are a number of words for which no plural form could be elicited and all tries at plural formation were rejected. This may involve a zero allomorph for the plural, but I suspect that for many, if not all, of these there are pragmatic reasons for rejecting plural forms. These reasons are sometimes easy to see. For example, there are two words for ‘raven’, /sk̕ʷtáʔ/ and /spáal̕/. The second cannot be pluralized because it is the special word for the character ‘Raven’ in traditional stories and there is only one ‘Raven’. In another instance the word for ‘moose’, /kʷéwəʔəč/, cannot be pluralized because "you never see a bunch of moose, just one or two." In the same vein, it was difficult to elicit plurals for /sq̕ʷáŋiʔ/ ‘head’ and /mén/ ‘father’ since "you can only have one." Plurals of these were elicited, however, through the invention of appropriate contexts: "There’s a bunch of fish heads" and "All the boys’ fathers ...".
For the words in the following list even imagined contexts were unsuccessful in eliciting plurals: /qéq/ ‘baby’, /ŋéqəʔ/ ‘snow’, /sθíməʔ/ ‘ice’, /sqəl̕éw̕/ ‘beaver’, /sqʷáməʔ/ ‘catfish’, /t̕^θə́məkʷəʔ/ ‘perch’, /q̕ʷál̕əxʷ/ ‘chum salmon’, /ŋéʔəqs/ ‘pitch torch’, /sməčə́ʔs/ ‘lump on a tree’, /pqʷéy̕/ ‘rotten wood’, /ɬə́q̕əs/ ‘edible seaweed’, /sqéwθ/ ‘potato’, /kʷə́mkʷəm/ ‘drum’, /qʷčmín/ ‘dancer’s rattle’, /č̕át̕əʔ/ ‘clam barbecuing stick’, /ləšás/ ‘angel’, /ləmətú/ ‘sheep’, and /sŋénət/ ‘sinker for fish line’.
The last three items are particularly puzzling. The words for ‘angel’ and ‘sheep’ are obviously borrowings and many other similar loans readily take the infixed ‘plural’. Why not these two?⁹ The word for ‘sinker’, also meaning ‘rock, mountain’, is not a borrowing. One can say /ŋə́n̕ sŋénət/ meaning ‘many stones’, ‘many mountains’, or ‘many sinkers’, but /ŋə́n̕ sŋəlénət/ can mean only ‘many stones’ or ‘many mountains’. /sŋénət/ as ‘sinker’ cannot be marked for plural.

2.3.3.6. Five words have been found to have plural forms that do not fit into any of these patterns:
116. méʔən ‘Fathers.’ (mén ‘father’)
117. téʔən ‘Mothers.’ (tén ‘mother’)
118. swáʔəw̕ləs ‘Young men.’ (swíw̕ləs ‘young man’)
119. sw̕wə́y̕qəʔ ‘Men.’ (swə́y̕qəʔ ‘man’)
120. čiyénəxʷ ‘Lots of fish.’ (sčéenəxʷ ‘fish, salmon’)

2.3.4. /C1C2+/ ‘repetitive’. The limited number of examples of this morpheme in the corpus is probably due to the fact that I made no specific attempts to elicit it rather than to its natural scarcity. Only ten examples have been recorded.
Though similar in form and meaning to the reduplicative forms of the ‘plural’, ‘repetitive’ differs in a number of respects and must be considered a distinct morpheme. ‘Plural’ and ‘repetitive’ are not in complementary distribution. The same root can occur with either or both morphemes with corresponding differences in meanings. Where a predicate in the ‘plural’ refers to the number of the subject or object, a predicate marked ‘repetitive’ refers to iterations of the action or state expressed in the predicate itself. The following examples show ‘repetitive’ in contrast to ‘actual’ and ‘plural’ of ‘actual’.
121. nəč+√nə́č-ət-əŋ ‘He laughed and laughed at him.’ [REPET+√laugh-CTRAN-PASS]
122. √nə́č-əŋ ‘He laughed.’ [√laugh-CMDL]
123. kʷɬ nə+√nə́y̕-əŋ̕ ‘He’s laughing now.’ [REAL ACT+√laugh(ACT)-CMDL]
124. n(əl)+√nə́y̕-əŋ ‘They’re laughing.’ [ACT(PL)+√laugh(ACT)-CMDL]

See example 115 above for the cooccurrence of ‘repetitive’ and ‘plural’.
Note in the following examples that the ‘repetitive’ is sometimes translated with English progressive ‘-ing’ and sometimes with English plural. Nevertheless, it is distinct from the Saanich ‘actual’, usually translated with ‘-ing’ forms in English, and ‘plural’ morphemes.
125. xʷ-s-ʔəč+√ʔə́č+əč ‘He’s stuttering.’ (See §2.3.7 on the second reduplication in this form.)
126. x̣ʷəmx̣ʷəməyásət ‘He’s spinning like a top.’
127. xʷ-ƛ̕əl+√ƛ̕əlaʔ=ás ‘He’s looking around (moving head back and forth).’
128. nəq+√nə́q-əŋ ‘He keeps diving and coming up, diving and coming up.’ (nə́qəŋ ‘He dove.’)
129. čəqʷ+√čə́qʷ-t-əs ‘He’s turning the light off and on and off and on.’ (čə́qʷət ‘Light it.’)
130. nət̕^θ+√nə́t̕^θəʔ kʷə nə-s-iʔ √səʔéw̕-əs ‘I put them down one by one.’ [REPET+√one SUB 1POS-S-? √put down(ACT)]
131. θəŋ+√θéŋ ‘Twice.’ (sθəŋnéts ‘second day, Tuesday’)
132. ʔən̕+√ʔén̕ ‘Too much.’ (√ʔen̕ ‘much’)
133. š-t̕^θəm̕+√t̕^θám̕=əčən ‘Several bracelets.’ (št̕^θám̕əčən ‘bracelet’)
134. x̣əŋ+√x̣éŋ-ələʔ ‘Hawk.’ (Root meaning unknown)

Example 133 is translated as plural and a ‘repetitive’ reading of the form is not obvious. However, this form contains the root /t̕^θam̕/ ‘bone’ the ‘plural’ of which is /t̕^θáʔləm̕/, the expected infix ‘plural’ form (see §2.3.3.4.1 examples 86 and 91).

2.3.5. Actual aspect.
The ‘actual’¹⁰ aspect is opposed to ‘nonactual’ and signals that the action, state, or other reference of the predicate is actually occurring at an indicated time. It is often translated into English in the form of ‘be ... -ing’ progressive aspect and the English progressive is nearly always rendered in the ‘actual’ in Saanich. However, a predicate in the ‘actual’ need not refer to a continuous or progressing action. See especially examples 139-140 in this section and examples 47-48 in §2.3.2.3. Predicates in the ‘actual’ often occur with the proclitics /kʷɬ/ ‘already’ and /ʔiʔ/ ‘accompanying’.

2.3.5.0.1. Around three hundred examples of the ‘actual’ have been recorded. It is the most frequently occurring aspect after the ‘nonactual’ and quite easy to elicit.

2.3.5.0.2. It has three primary forms: /(ʔ)/ (§2.3.5.1), C1V́+ (§2.3.5.2), and stress shift/metathesis (§2.3.5.4) and one rather marginal form: C1+ (§2.3.5.3). Each of these forms is accompanied by the glottalization of all non-initial resonants. The distribution of these forms is largely, but not entirely, phonologically predictable.

2.3.5.1. /(ʔ)/ ‘actual’. This is the most common form of the ‘actual’. This form occurs in almost half of all recorded occurrences of the ‘actual’ aspect.
The complete picture of the rules for the placement of this infix involves references to rules for the placement of other morphological processes with which /(ʔ)/ is in complementary distribution. For the sake of perspicuity the distribution of the most obviously regular cases of the most common allomorph will be described first. As the distributions of the other allomorphs are described, the rule for the placement of this infix will be simplified.

2.3.5.1.1. A first approximation to the rule for placement of the infix can be stated as follows:
In monosyllabic stems with roots of the shapes CV, CVVC, or CVCC or in multi-syllabic stems where A) an underlying /í/, /é/, or /á/ is followed by either 1) /ʔ/ or 2) one or no consonants, or B) /ə́/ is followed by a resonant, the ‘actual’ is formed by the insertion of /ʔ/ after the stressed vowel.

There are exceptions to this rule (§2.3.5.1.5) which will contribute to a reformulation in §2.3.5.4.3.4.
This rule for the placement of the ‘actual’ infix includes more than it excludes. Specifically, it excludes the environments for the C1V́+ (§2.3.5.2) and stress shift/metathesis (§2.3.5.3) forms. So, in other words, a /ʔ/ infixed after the stressed vowel forms the ‘actual’ unless 1) the stressed vowel of the root is /ə/ followed by an obstruent (but see §2.3.5.1.4), 2) the vowel is followed by two consonants the first of which is not /ʔ/, or 3) the ‘non-actual’ stem is a single syllable, i.e. it has only one vowel. When stress of the base is not in the root but in a suffix, the ‘actual’ is always formed by insertion of /ʔ/ after the stressed vowel (§2.3.5.1.4).

2.3.5.1.2. The following examples illustrate environment A.1 (§2.3.5.2). Note that a /ə/ is automatically inserted between the two glottal stops. Note also that this infixed /ʔ/ differs from the ‘diminutive’ infix. See §2.3.2.2.
135. √ʔəlé(ʔ)əʔ-nəxʷ sən ‘I’m hearing it now.’ (ʔəlén̕əxʷ sən ‘I heard something.’¹¹ Note that /ʔn/ is realized as /n̕/. They are separated in the example to illustrate the structure.)
136. kʷɬ ʔəlx̣əw̕é(ʔ)əʔ ɬtə ‘We’re pit-lamping, now.’ (ʔəlx̣əw̕éʔ ‘pit-lamp for crabs, etc.’)

2.3.5.1.3. The following examples illustrate environment A.2. Note that when the infix precedes one or no consonants before a word boundary (i.e. ______(C)#) a /ə/ is automatically inserted.
137. kʷɬ iʔ √ʔənʔé(ʔ)ə ‘He’s coming.’ (√ʔənʔé ‘come’)
138. kʷɬ √ɬəŋé(ʔ)ə-s tsə √t̕^θís-ən ‘He’s pulling the nail.’ (ɬəŋés tsə t̕^θísən ‘He pulled the nail.)
139. kʷɬ s√məlyí(ʔ)ə ‘He’s married.’ (məlyítəl sən ‘I got married.’ Note that with the ‘stative’ prefix the ‘actual’ forms are glossed like the ‘resultive’. See §2.3.5.2 and §2.3.6).
140. s√téŋ kʷə n̕-s√né(ʔ)ə-t tséʔə ‘What do you call that there?’ [s√what SUB 2POS-S√name(ACT)-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) DEM] (Root is CV.)
141. kʷɬ √sé(ʔ)ə-t sən ‘I’m sending him now.’ (sét sən ‘I sent him.’ Root is CV.)
142. x̣ʷáʔaŋ̕ ‘He’s weeping.’ (√x̣ʷáaŋ Root is CVVC.)
143. kʷɬ šáʔpt ‘He’s whistling now.’ (√šapt Root is CVCC.)
144. ʔiʔ √θəŋé(ʔ)əʔ-t sən ‘I’m packing it (on back) now.’ (√θəŋéʔ)

2.3.5.1.3.1. Examples 145-153 show the most frequently occurring environment for /(ʔ)/ with the stressed vowel followed by CV.
145. √ʔí(ʔ)t̕^θ-əŋ̕ ‘He’s getting dressed.’ (ʔít̕^θəŋ ‘He got dressed.’)
146. kʷɬ √ʔé(ʔ)č̕-ət sən ‘I’m wiping it now.’ (ʔéč̕ət ‘wipe it’)
147. kʷɬ √ʔí(ʔ)ɬən̕ sən ‘I’m eating now.’ (ʔíɬən ləʔ sən ‘I ate.’)
148. √čá(ʔ)q̕ʷ-əŋ̕ ‘He’s pouring with sweat.’ (čáq̕ʷəŋ ‘sweat’)
149. √tá(ʔ)qʷ-əŋ̕ ‘He’s coughing now.’ (táqʷəŋ ‘cough’)
150. √wé(ʔ)qəs ‘He’s yawning.’ (wéqəs ‘yawn’)
151. ʔiʔ √xʷí(ʔ)t-əŋ̕ ‘He’s jumping.’ (√xʷítəŋ ‘jump’)
152. √x̣é(ʔ)q̕-əŋ̕ sən ‘I’m scratching.’ (x̣éq̕əŋ sən ‘I scratched.’)
153. kʷɬ √t̕^θí(ʔ)s-ət sən ‘I’m nailing it now.’ (t̕^θísət sən ‘I nailed it.’)

2.3.5.1.3.2. When a resonant follows the stressed vowel in the stem, the glottal stop infix merges with the resonant as usual. A /ə/ in an immediately following syllable is deleted.
154. ʔiʔ ɬək̕ʷ=sə́n̕-t sən ‘I’m tripping him.’ (ɬək̕ʷsə́n-ət sən ‘I tripped him.’)
155. kʷɬ √t̕ə́m̕-t ɬtə ‘We’re hitting it.’ (t̕ə́m̕ət ɬtə ‘We hit it.’)
156. kʷɬ √kʷə́l̕-t sən ‘I’m pouring it.’ (kʷə́l-ət ‘pour it’)
157. √čə́n̕-t sən ‘I’m burying it now.’ (čə́nət sən ‘I buried it.’)
158. čéw̕t sən ‘I’m admiring him.’
159. √ɬə́l̕-t-əs ‘He’s splashing it.’ (ɬə́lətəs ‘He splashed it.’)
160. kʷɬ √ɬə́m̕x̣ʷ-t sən ‘I’m rubbing it.’ (ɬə́məx̣ʷt ‘rub it’)
161. ʔiʔ √qʷə́l̕-sət sən ‘I’m bailing (a canoe).’ (qʷə́ləsət ‘bail’)
162. √q̕ə́m̕-t sən ‘I’m breaking it.’ (q̕ə́m̕ət sən ‘I broke it.’)

2.3.5.1.4. The following are examples of the ‘actual’ infix in strong suffixes.
163. xʷ√t̕^θs=á(ʔ)s-t-əŋ̕ ‘He’s getting punched in the face.’ [LOC√punch=face(ACT)-CTRAN-PASS]
164. kʷɬ iʔ √ʔəm̕=é(ʔ)q-t-əs ‘He’s delivering it.’ (ʔəméqtəs ‘He delivered it.’)
165. √ʔəɬp-é(ʔ)=səs ‘He’s slipping (doing something with hands).’ (ʔəɬpésəs ‘He slipped.’)
166. √čx̣ʷ=é(ʔ)ɬsəʔ ‘He’s spitting.’ (čx̣ʷéɬsəʔ ‘spit’)
167. xʷ√məkʷ=θí(ʔ)-t-əs ‘She’s kissing him.’ (xʷməkʷθítəs ‘She kissed him.’)

2.3.5.1.5. A few forms are apparent exceptions to the placement rules outlined above. These will prove to be no exceptions at all when other facts related to the stress shift/metathesis form of the ‘actual’ are considered (§2.3.5.4.3.4).
The exceptions are of two kinds. A few stems that have /ə́/ in the ‘nonactual’ have this converted to /é/ when followed by the ‘actual’ infix (examples 168-173). And there are some other forms where the schwa preceded by the ‘actual’ infix and a resonant does not delete (examples 171-176).
168. √x̣é(ʔ)š-əŋ̕ sən ‘I’m tripping.’ (x̣ə́šəŋ ‘He tripped.’)
169. kʷɬ √ɬé(ʔ)t̕əm̕ sən ‘I’m herring fishing.’ (ɬə́t̕əm)
170. kʷɬ √té(ʔ)š-əl-t sən ‘I’m turning it upright now.’ (tə́šəlt sən ‘I turned it upright.’)
171. √ʔəɬtén̕-əŋ̕ ‘She’s berry picking.’ (ʔəɬtə́nəŋ ‘pick berries’)
172. √k̕ʷén̕-ət ‘I’m looking at it now.’ (k̕ʷə́nət sən ‘I looked at it.’)
173. kʷɬ iʔ √téy̕-əl̕ ‘He’s going upstream.’ (tə́yəl ‘go upstream’)
174. kʷɬ √ʔám̕ət ‘He’s sleeping.’ (√ʔámət)
175. kʷɬ iʔ √t̕^θəʔ-íl̕-əŋ̕ sən ‘I’m mounting (a horse) now.’ (t̕^θəʔíləŋ sən ‘I got on.’)
176. ʔiʔ √sq-íl̕-əŋ̕ ‘I’m going out.’ (sqíləŋ ‘go/come out’)

2.3.5.2. C1V́+ ‘actual’. This reduplicative pattern marks the ‘actual’ in around forty of the three hundred occurrences of this aspect in the corpus.

2.3.5.2.1. When the stem is monosyllabic but not CV, CVVC, or CVCC, or when the stressed vowel in the root is followed by CCV (where the first C is not /ʔ/), the ‘actual’ is formed by regressive¹² reduplication of the first consonant of the root and an immediately following stressed vowel. The unstressed vowel then reduces to /ə/. Some generalizations are made on this in §2.3.5.4.3.5.

2.3.5.2.2. The following are a few of the clear cases of the ‘actual’ in this form.
177. ʔiʔ ɬí+√ɬək̕ʷ=sən̕ sən ‘I’m tripping.’ (ɬík̕ʷsən sən ‘I tripped.’ Compare with 154 above.)
178. qé+√qən̕ ‘He’s stealing (something).’ (sqén̕ ‘It’s stolen.)
179. kʷí+√w̕ən̕-təl̕ ‘They’re fighting.’ (kʷíntəl ‘They fought.’ The /kʷ/ of the root is an underlying resonant which surfaces when taking the ‘actual’ glottalization.)
180. t̕^θé+√t̕^θəʔ ‘He’s riding a horse.’ (√t̕^θeʔ ‘on top’. Compare with 175 above.)
181. kʷɬ qʷə́+√qʷəl̕ ‘He’s saying it now.’ (√qʷəl̕. Compare with examples 253 and 262 below.)
182. kʷɬ té+√tiʔ ɬtə ‘We’re canoe racing.’ (√tey ‘canoe race’. Unstressed /ə/ is deleted before /y/. See §1.5.6.)
183. čə́+y̕əq ‘He’s getting big.’ (√čəq ‘big’)
184. ʔiʔ ƛ̕í+√ƛ̕əw̕ ‘He’s running away.’ (√ƛ̕iw̕)
185. s-qé+√qəw̕ ‘He’s resting. ‘ (√qew)
186. kʷɬ ɬá+√ɬəp̕ sən ‘I’m eating (soup).’ (√ɬap̕)
187. s-kʷú+√kʷəl̕ ‘He’s going to school.’ (skʷúl < English)

2.3.5.2.3. C1V́+ is also the form of the ‘actual’ of the ‘diminutive’. See §2.3.2.3.

2.3.5.3. C1+ ‘actual’. Nine words have been found to form the ‘actual’ by regressive reduplication of the first consonant of the root. Roots forming the ‘actual’ in this way have not been seen in stems forming the ‘actual’ in other ways. It seems, then, that this form of the ‘actual’ is morphologically determined by the root.

The following examples are the only ones recorded with this form of the ‘actual’.
188. šə+√šk̕ʷá(ʔə)m̕ sən ‘I’m swimming.’ (šk̕ʷám̕ ‘swim’)
189. kʷə+√kʷéč-əŋ̕ ‘He’s yelling.’ (kʷéčəŋ ‘yell’)
190. šə+√šíw̕əʔ ‘She’s urinating.’ (√šíwəʔ)
191. t̕ə+√t̕íl̕əm̕ sən ‘I’m singing.’ (t̕íləm ‘sing’)
192. pə+√púʔ ‘He’s defecating.’ (Recorded only in the ‘actual’.)
193. kʷə+√kʷəx̣=θín̕-əŋ̕ ‘He’s screaming.’ (kʷəx̣θínəŋ ‘scream’)
194. t̕ə+√t̕íw̕iʔəɬ ‘She’s praying.’ (Recorded only in ‘actual’.)
195. x̣ə+√x̣ɬé(ʔ)əm̕-ət ‘I’m watching it.’ (x̣ɬém̕ ‘watch’)

Note that some of these are marked with the regular ‘actual’ infix as well as with reduplication.
Analysis of forms with C1+ reduplication is difficult because this also marks the ‘diminutive’ (§2.3.2) and the ‘resultive’ (§2.3.6). Some of the examples given here may actually be better analyzed as containing one of these two other morphemes.

2.3.5.4. The stress shift/metathesis form of the ‘actual’ has undergone two rather different analyses for two other Straits languages, Klallam (Thompson and Thompson, 1969) and Lummi (Demers, 1974). The Saanich data differ significantly from both Klallam and Lummi, so, it will be necessary to present a third analysis (§2.3.5.4.3). It will first be useful to describe the differences between Saanich and Klallam on the one hand (§2.3.5.4.1) and Saanich and Lummi on the other (§2.3.5.4.2).

2.3.5.4.1. Thompson and Thompson (1969) recognize a class of stems in Klallam that form the ‘actual’ directly by a metathesis of the stressed vowel and the following consonant. They give a number of examples like: čkʷút ‘shoot’, čúkʷt ‘shooting’; x̣č̕ít ‘scratch’, x̣íč̕t ‘scratching’ (p.216). Rather than assume a never surfacing root shape of CVCV with identical vowels and a complication of Klallam’s stress rules, Thompson and Thompson convincingly posit a morphologically conditioned metathesis for the ‘actual’ of a certain class of stems.
Saanich differs from Klallam in that there are no pairs of forms like those above with the position of a non-schwa in a biconsonantal root carrying the difference between ‘actual’ and ‘nonactual’. All cases of apparent metathesized one-syllable ‘actuals’ in Saanich have only /ə́/ (see examples 198-211). Metathesis of non-schwas and following consonants does clearly occur in Saanich but as an entirely phonologically conditioned process having nothing necessarily to do with the ‘actual’. Compare example 145 above with 196 and 197:
196. ʔət̕^θíŋəstxʷ ‘Get him dressed.’
197. ʔət̕^θəŋístəs ‘She’s getting him dressed.’

The vowel of the strong root, √ʔít̕^θ, is carried rightward into the syllables of weak suffixes by the maintenance of penultimate stress.¹³ See §1.4 for more on Saanich stress and metathesis.
Since there is a great deal of phonological metathesis in Saanich and no morphologically functioning metathesis of full vowels in roots with two consonants, an analysis for the Saanich ‘actual’ different from Thompson and Thompson’s analysis of Klallam seems advisable.

2.3.5.4.2. The data presented by Demers (1974) for Lummi match Saanich more closely than Klallam does. All examples of apparent ‘actual’ metathesis listed by Demers involve /ə́/. Demers, assuming for Lummi the alternative analysis suggested by Thmms as involving underlying Cə́Cə roots. A stress protraction rule moves the stress across a single obstruent onto the second syllable when it is followed by two consonants. This then accounts for Lummi ‘nonactuals’ like t̕sə́tsən ‘I smashed it’, t̕ə́s ‘it got smashed’. The ‘actuals’ like t̕ə́st ‘he’s breaking it’ are then accounted for as involving the regular glottal stop infix for ‘actual’, which evidently works in Lummi similarly to the way it works in Saanich (§2.3.5.1). Thus the underlying form of Lummi t̕ə́st is ∥t̕ə́ʔsət∥. The unstressed schwa is then deleted and all glottal stops between schwas and obstruents are deleted. This is an elegant solution for Lummi. It is, however, not viable for Saanich for two reasons.
First, the Lummi stress protraction rule has no Saanich analog. A number of forms have /ə́/ between the second root consonant and only one following consonant¹⁴ (see examples 198-211) and in the second syllable when the first is followed by two consonants (see examples 213-215 for a few of the many occurrences of this). And, conversely, there are a number of forms that have /ə́/ in the first syllable when the second syllable is followed by two consonants (e.g. /tə́šəlt sən/ ‘I turned it upright’; /q̕ə́ləp̕sət/ ‘It shrank’; /q̕ʷə́lət̕^θt sən/ ‘I peeled it’).
Second, Saanich /ʔ/ does not ordinarily delete between /ə/ and an obstruent as it does in Lummi (e.g. /ŋə́nəʔs/ ‘his/her child’; /t̕ét̕əʔsət sən/ ‘I’m trying to learn it’; /sčəčə́ʔsəqʷ/ ‘little hat’).
These two facts demand a different approach to Saanich.

2.3.5.4.3. The following are examples of ‘actual’ and ‘nonactual’ pairs. In each of these pairs the (a) member is the ‘nonactual’ and (b) is the ‘actual’.
198a. t̕^θq̕ə́ŋ ‘It dripped.’
b. t̕^θə́q̕əŋ̕ ‘It’s dripping.’
199a. č̕tə́ŋ ‘He crawled.’
b. č̕ə́təŋ̕ ‘He’s crawling.’
200a. k̕ʷsə́ŋ ‘He counted.’
b. k̕ʷə́səŋ̕ ‘He’s counting.’
201a. ƛ̕k̕ʷə́t ‘Put it out (a fire).’
b. ƛ̕ə́k̕ʷt sən ‘I’m putting it out.’
202a. xʷq̕p̕ət ‘Patch it.’ (/xʷ-/ ‘locative’)
b. xʷq̕ə́p̕t sən ‘I’m patching it.’
203a. sq̕ə́t sən ‘I tore it (intentionally).’
b. kʷɬ sə́q̕təs ‘He’s tearing it.’
204a. sx̣ə́t ‘Push it.’
b. kʷɬ sə́x̣təs ‘He’s pushing it.’
205a. šč̕ə́təs ‘He whipped it.’
b. ʔiʔ šə́č̕təs ‘He’s whipping it.’
206a. štə́ŋ ‘He walked.’
b. kʷɬ šə́təŋ̕ ‘He’s walking.’
207a. tkʷə́t ‘Break it (a stick).’
b. tə́kʷtəs ‘He’s breaking it.’
208a. tqʷə́t ‘Tighten it.’
b. kʷɬ tə́qʷt sən ‘I’m tightening it.’
209a. t̕sə́t sən ‘I broke it (intentionally)’
b. t̕ə́st sən ‘I’m breaking it.’
210a. θk̕ʷə́t ‘Straighten it out.’
b. θə́k̕ʷt sən ‘I’m straightening it out.’
211a. θx̣ə́t ‘Shove him.’
b. kʷɬ θə́x̣t sən ‘I’m shoving it.’

2.3.5.4.3.1. Since in all other forms of this opposition the ‘actual’ is the marked form and stems in the ‘nonactual’ constitute the base forms, we may assume that the ‘nonactuals’ of these pairs exhibit the base forms. These bases have a number of things in common. Two things are obvious: 1) they each have /ə́/ following the two consonants of the root and preceding the single consonant of the suffix, and 2) they are all monosyllabic.
Given this second fact it might be expected that these bases would form the ‘actual’ the way all other monosyllabic bases involving roots with two consonants and one vowel do, that is, with C1V́+ reduplication (see §2.3.5.2). That they do not might suggest that these are (as in Lummi) underlying CVCV bases. But, as noted above (§2.3.5.4.2), the then necessary stress protraction and glottal stop deletion rules are otherwise unmotivated in Saanich.
Another less abstract possibility, and the one for which there seems to be support, is that these bases do not form the actual by C1V́+ reduplication because there simply is no underlying root vowel. In each of these bases the underlying root is CC, vowelless, and therefore the stress falls on the suffix. The analysis of 209a, for example, would be as 212.
212. √t̕s-ə́t [√break-CTRAN]

2.3.5.4.3.3. In each of these bases the root occurs with either ∥-əŋ∥ ‘middle’ or ∥-ət∥ ‘control transitive’. It happens that these are the only roots that allow stress to fall on these suffixes. Support for this analysis comes from the fact that there are a number of other suffixes whose underlying vowel surfaces only when following these roots. The ‘non-control transitive’ suffix ∥-naxʷ∥ is an example.¹⁵ The following three examples contain the roots of examples 203, 207, and 209. The schwa within the root is predictable (see §1.5.10).
213. √səq̕-náxʷ sən ‘I tore it accidentally; I finally managed to tear it.’
214. √təkʷ-náxʷ sən ‘I broke it accidentally; I finally managed to break it.’
215. √t̕əs-náxʷ sən ‘I broke it accidentally; I finally managed to break it.’

2.3.5.4.3.4. Recognizing this set of roots as underlyingly vowelless allows us a non-arbitrary way of dealing with some of the exceptions to the infixed form of the ‘actual’ mentioned in §2.3.5.1.5 and, further, to generalize the rule for ‘actual’ infix placement (§2.3.5.1.1).
Part A of this rule states that the glottal stop infix follows the stressed vowel unless it is /ə/. Some of the forms listed in §2.3.5.1.5 were exceptions to this (part B and the other exceptions are dealt with in §2.3.5.4.3.6). The proviso against the infix following /ə́/ was made precisely because of the existence of the set of roots exemplified in 198-211. Now that these roots are out of consideration as having /ə/ in the underlying form, part A of the rule can be restated as follows:

In monosyllabic stems with roots of the shapes CV, CVVC, or CVCC or in multi-syllabic stems where an underlying stressed vowel is followed by either /ʔ/ or one or no consonants, /ʔ/ is inserted after the stressed vowel and /ə́/ is replaced by /é/.

The underlying distinction is between roots with no vowels (examples 198-211) and roots with underlying /ə́/ (examples 168-173 in §2.3.5.1.5). More facts that support the analysis of this underlying distinction are discussed in regard to the resultive in §2.3.6.3. See also §2.5.2.3, §2.5.4.5, and §2.5.4.7 for other suffixes whose underlying vowels surface only with underlyingly vowelless roots.

2.3.5.4.3.5. Now that the underlying vowelless nature of the roots has been established the problem remains how to account for the ‘actual’ forms in examples 198-211. Though the precise nature of the mechanism is as yet unclear¹⁶ I would like to suggest that the ‘actual’ forms in these examples are functionally allied with the C1V́+ reduplicative form (§2.3.5.2). Both the C1V́+ reduplicated and metathesized forms of the ‘actual’ are primarily characterized by a leftward shift in stress. Then, as with the other stress placement rules (mentioned above in §2.3.5.4.1 examples 196-197 and in §1.4), the stressed vowel of the base moves to accommodate the position. When stress is shifted leftward beyond the first consonant of the root, a copy of that consonant is carried along.
This stress shift in both cases is triggered by phonological environments complementary to those for the ‘actual’ infix placement described in §2.3.5.1 and revised in §2.3.5.4.3.4. The ‘actual’ is marked by stress shift (with concomitant reduplication or metathesis) either when the base is monosyllabic or when the stressed vowel is in the initial syllable and followed by CCV. When roots taking C1V́+ ‘ actual’ in monosyllabic stems are involved in polysyllabic forms, the ‘actual’ is formed with the glottal stop infix (see examples 177 and 180 in §2.3.5.2.2). Similarly, when roots taking metathesized ‘actuals’ (examples 198-211) in monosyllabic stems are involved in polysyllabic forms, the ‘actual’ is formed with the glottal stop infix. Compare 216 to 206.
216a. štəŋístəs ‘He walked/ran/operated it.’
b. kʷɬ štəŋ̕íʔstəs ‘He’s operating it (a machine).’

2.3.5.4.3.6. Part B of the ‘actual’ infix placement rule (§2.3.5.1.1) states that the glottal stop is infixed after a /ə́/ with no change in vowel quality (see revision of part A of the rule in §2.3.5.4.3.4) only when the consonant following the stress is a resonant. Given the analysis of the previous two sections and in particular the revised version of part A of the infix placement rule we can see that part B is unnecessary. The infix occurs after underlying /ə́/ before obstruents as well.

Each of the metathesized ‘actuals’ in examples 198-211 involves a vowelless root with an obstruent as the second consonant. The question that now arises is whether or not there are vowelless roots with a resonant in C2 position and, if there are, how they form the actual.
The vowelless roots with obstruents in C2 position allow stress to fall on the transitive suffixes ∥-ət∥ and ∥-naxʷ∥. There are roots with a resonant as the second consonant that allow stress to fall on the transitive suffix:
217. √t̕əm̕-náxʷ sən ‘I hit it accidentally; I finally managed to hit it.’
218. √q̕əm̕-náxʷ sən ‘I cut it (in two) accidentally; I finally managed to cut it.’

The schwa within the root is predictable as in examples 213-215 above.
In §2.3.5.4.3.4 and §2.3.5.4.3.5 it was established that there are two types of ‘nonactual’ bases with obstruents in C2 showing /ə/ on the surface: 1) those with underlying /ə/ which form the ‘actual’ by a glottal stop infix and the change of /ə́/ to /é/, and 2) those with no underlying vowel which form the ‘actual’ by stress shift/metathesis. A parallel distinction is found in ‘nonactual’ bases with surface /ə/ and a resonant in C2 position: 1) those with underlying /ə/ form the ‘actual’ just as do bases with an obstruent as the second root consonant, with a glottal stop infix and change of /ə́/ to /é/ (example 219 and examples 171-172 in §2.3.5.1.5), and 2) those with no underlying vowel, which form the ‘actual’ as in examples 220-225.
219a. √kʷə́n-ət sən ‘I took it.’
b. √kʷén̕-ət sən ‘I’m taking it.’
220a. √t̕ə́m̕-ət sən ‘I hit it.’
b. √t̕əm̕-t sən ‘I’m hitting it.’
221a. √q̕ə́m̕-ət sən ‘I cut it in two.’
b. √q̕ə́m̕-t sən ‘I’m cutting it.’
222a. √k̕ʷə́n-ət sən ‘I looked at it.’
b. √k̕ʷə́n̕-t sən ‘I’m looking at it.’¹⁷
223a. √čə́n-ət ‘Bury it.’
b. √čə́n̕-t sən ‘I’m burying it.’
224a. √ɬə́l-ət sən ‘I splashed it.’
b. √ɬə́l̕-t-əs ‘He’s splashing it.’
225a. kʷə́l̕-ət ‘Pour it out.’
b. kʷɬ √kʷə́l̕-t sən ‘I’m pouring it out now.’

If we recognize that there are no root initial obstruent-resonant sequences in Saanich, it can be seen that the ‘actual’ in examples 220-225 are formed by the same rule as the ‘actuals’ in examples 198-211. Two otherwise well justified rules, a rule to insert a schwa into a root initial obstruent-resonant cluster and the regular penultimate stress assignment rule, must be ordered with respect to one another and after the ‘actual’ stress shift/metathesis rule¹⁸.

2.3.5.4.3.7. Some sample derivations should suffice to illustrate how these rules work. The rules are numbered 1) ‘actual’ stress shift/metathesis, 2) schwa insertion, 3) penultimate stress assignment. A hyphen indicates that the environment for the application of the rule is not present.

∥t̕m̕-ə́t∥ - t̕əm̕ə́t

	Actual	Nonactual	Actual	Nonactual
U.F.	∥t̕s-ə́t∥	∥t̕s-ə́t∥	∥t̕m̕-ə́t∥
1.	t̕ə́st	-	t̕ə́m̕t
2.	-	-	-
3.	-	-	-	t̕ə́m̕ət
S.F.	t̕ə́st	t̕sə́t	t̕ə́m̕t	t̕ə́m̕ət

Two more derivations show how the other apparent exceptions mentioned in §2.3.5.1.5 are accounted for. The rule that applies inserts the actual infix and replaces /ə́/ by /é/.

	Actual	Nonactual	Actual	Nonactual
U.F.	∥x̣ə́š-əŋ∥	∥x̣ə́š-əŋ∥	∥kʷə́n-ət∥	∥kʷə́n-ət∥
	x̣éʔšəŋ̕	-	kʷéʔnət	-
S.S.	x̣éʔšəŋ̕	x̣ə́šəŋ	kʷén̕ət	kʷə́nət

2.3.5.4.3.8. Thus far only roots with two consonants have been considered. There are a few roots that have three consonants. They form the ‘actual’ just like roots with two consonants. When there is only one underlying vowel and it is between the second and third consonants, the ‘actual’ is formed by stress shift/metathesis. The behavior of these triconsonantal roots further supports the preceding analysis, especially in cases where the root vowel is a non-schwa.

Following are examples of triconsonantal roots exhibiting stress shift/metathesis in the ‘actual’.
226a. √t̕^θɬə́k̕ʷ-t sən ‘I pinched it.’
b. √t̕^θə́ɬk̕ʷ-t sən ‘I’m pinching it.’
227a. √ləméʔ-t-əŋ sən ‘Someone kicked me.’
b. √lém̕əʔ-t-əŋ̕ sən ‘Someone’s kicking me.’
228a. √ɬəy̕ə́qʷ-t ‘Smash it up.’
b. √ɬə́y̕qʷ-t-əs ‘He’s smashing it up.’
229a. √ɬq̕élč̕ ‘Moon.’
b. √ɬéq̕əl̕č̕ ‘It’s a bright moon.’
230a. √ƛ̕əčə́q̕-t ‘Press down on it.’
b. √ƛ̕ə́y̕q̕-t-əs ‘He’s pressing down on it.’ (Note that the /č/ is underlying /y/ and that /ə/ insertion must precede y ∼ č §1.5.9.)
231a. ƛ̕pə́x̣-t ‘Scatter it.’
b. ƛ̕ə́px̣-t ‘I’m scattering it.’
232a. √mələ́č̕-t ‘Roll over.’
b. √mə́l̕č̕-t sən ‘I’m rolling over.’
233a. √θɬə́qʷ-t ‘Pierce it.’
b. √θə́ɬqʷ-t sən ‘I’m piercing it.’

2.3.5.5. Three morphemes have special forms in the ‘actual’ : ‘diminutive’, ‘resultive’, and the ‘structured activity’ suffix. See §2.3.2.3 on the ‘actual’ of the ‘diminutive’, §2.3.6.3 on the ‘actual’ of the ‘resultive’, and §2.5.4.1 on the ‘actual’ of ‘structured activity’.

2.3.5.6. The following words all seem to take a form of the glottal stop infix, but not as expected. With each exception the expected but non-occurring form is preceded by an asterisk.
234. čəʔáw̕əs sən ‘I’m using it now.’ (čákʷəs ‘use something’. *čáw̕əs)
235. səʔéw̕əs sən ‘I’m putting it down.’ (sékʷəs ‘put something down’. *séw̕əs)
236. ʔəl̕ál̕əɬ sən ‘I’m boarding (a canoe) now.’ (ʔáaɬ ‘go aboard’. *ʔáʔaɬ)
237. kʷɬ p̕áhaŋ̕ ‘It’s swelling up; it’s swollen.’ (p̕áaŋ̕ ‘swell up’. This may also be an exceptional form of the ‘resultive’.)

2.3.6. Resultive.
The ‘resultive’ aspect is opposed to ‘nonresultive’ and indicates an emphasis on the result or outcome of the action expressed in the predicate. The ‘resultive’ is usually translated into English as a participle. In Saanich it often occurs with the ‘stative’ prefix (§2.1.2), the ‘durative’ suffix (§2.2.2), or both.
Only about sixty different examples of the ‘resultive’ appear in the corpus. Its rarity relative to the ‘actual’ aspect is perhaps due to my belated realization of the productiveness of this morpheme.
The ‘resultive’ has two primary forms, C1+ reduplication (§2.3.6.1) and ablaut (§2.3.6.2).

2.3.6.1. C1+ ‘resultive’. This form appears in fewer than half of the recorded examples of the ‘resultive’. The C1+ form is less often recorded with the ‘stative’ or ‘durative’ affixes than the ablaut forms. Bases all have /i/, /e/, or /a/.
Since this reduplicative pattern is also employed in the ‘actual’ and since English translations can be ambiguous, it is often difficult to decide which morpheme is represented in the form. Often both are. This problem is particularly evident in the first two examples below.
238. t̕^θə+t̕^θəʔ=wéč sən ‘I’m sitting.’ [RES+√upon(√t̕^θeʔ)=bottom 1SUBJ]
239. θə+/θíɬ-əŋ sən ‘I’m standing.’
240. xʷə+√xʷə́y̕əm̕ ʔə tsə √ʔéw̕k̕ʷ-s ‘She’s a prostitute.’ [RES+√sell(ACT) OBL DEM √self-3POS]
241. kʷɬ sə+/séw̕-t ‘He’s lying down.’ [REAL RES+√put down(ACT)-STAT]
242. s-θə+√θím̕əʔ ‘It’s frozen.’ (θíməʔt ‘freeze it’)
243. s-kʷə+√kʷél̕ ‘He’s in hiding.’ [STAT-RES+√hide] (Compare with the ‘actual’ kʷé+kʷəl̕ ‘He’s hiding now.’)
244. t̕ə+√t̕éy̕əq̕ ‘He’s angry.’

2.3.6.2. /a/ or /e/ substitute for root /ə/ ‘resultive’. This is the most common form of the ‘resultive’ and the most easily recognized. It appears both in roots with underlying /ə/ and in underlying vowelless roots. For a particular root either /a/ or /e/ appears consistently and no phonological conditioning factors have been discovered¹⁹. It appears, then, that two morphological classes must be recognized for roots with surface /ə/ in the ‘nonresultive’: those that have /a/ in the ‘resultive’ (examples 245-252) and those that have /e/ (examples 253-261).
Forms with ‘resultive’ /a/:
245. kʷɬ txʷ-əs√k̕ʷás-əɬ ‘It’s already counted.’ [REAL MUT-STAT√count(√k̕ʷs)-DUR]
246. kʷɬ s√ƛ̕áq̕ʷ-əɬ ‘It’s stuck on.’ [REAL STAT√stick on(√ƛ̕q̕ʷ)-DUR]
247. s√mákʷ-əɬ ‘He’s curled up.’
248. √náqʷ-əɬ ləʔ sən ‘I was asleep.’ (nə́qʷ sxʷ ‘Go to sleep.’)
249. s√p̕ákʷ-əɬ ‘He’s floating.’ (√p̕əkʷ ‘rise to the surface.’)
250. s√p̕áɬ-əɬ ‘He’s sober.’ (p̕ə́ɬ sən ‘I sobered up.’)
251. s√táqʷ-əɬ ‘It’s tight.’ (Compare with example 208 above.)
252. s√θák̕ʷ-əɬ ‘It’s straight.’ (Compare with example 210 above.)

Forms with ‘resultive’ /e/:
253. s√qʷél̕ ‘Word; a speech.’ (√qʷəl̕ ‘say’. Compare with example 181 §2.3.5.2.2.)
254. s√lét̕^θ-əɬ ‘It’s full.’ (√lət̕^θ ‘fill’)
255. s√q̕ép-əɬ ‘They’re together.’ (√q̕p ‘gather’)
256. s√q̕éθ-əɬ ‘It’s not enough.’
257. √séq̕-əɬ ‘It’s outside.’ (√səq̕ ‘out’)
258. s√téx̣-əɬ sxʷ ‘You’re wrong.’
259. txʷə-s√x̣éɬ-əɬ ‘He got sick.’ (x̣ə́ɬ sən ‘I feel bad.’)
260. s√léq̕-əɬ ‘It’s level.’
261. √qés-əɬ ‘He’s overboard.’ (√qəs ‘fall overboard’)

2.3.6.3. When the ‘resultive’ occurs with the ‘actual’ the form sometimes exhibits C1+ reduplication. Though the data are limited, it seems that this is the form that occurs when there is an underlying root vowel.
262. qʷə+qʷél̕ ‘He’s giving a speech.’ (Compare with examples 181 and 253.)
263. p̕ə+√p̕é(ʔ)kʷ-əŋ̕ ‘He’s floating now.’ (Compare with example 249.)

The ‘actual’ morpheme follows normally the ‘resultive’ when a vowelless root is involved. Compare the following:
264a. √ɬq̕ʷ-ə́t-əs ‘He took it off.’ (nonactual)
b. √ɬə́q̕ʷ-t-əs ‘He’s taking it off.’ (actual)
c. √ɬáq̕ʷ-əŋ ‘He got undressed.’ (resultive)
d. √ɬá(ʔ)q̕ʷ-əŋ̕ ‘He’s getting undressed.’ (resultive and infixed form of actual)
e. s-ɬá+√ɬəq̕ʷ ‘He’s naked.’ (resultive and reduplicative form of the actual)

2.3.7. +C2 ?. Only four examples of this reduplicative pattern have been recorded. Although there are not enough samples to determine a meaning, the glosses of the recorded forms do seem to suggest that this may be the Saanich cognate of a +C2 reduplicative morpheme that is widespread in the Interior Salishan languages. Carlson and Thompson (1981) discuss a +C2 reduplicative morpheme they call ‘out-of-control’. They give many examples of this morpheme, which seems to be a sort of ‘non-control resultive’, from Interior Salishan languages and a few from some Coast Salishan languages. At least the first three examples here seem to have glosses that fit the ‘out-of-control’ idea.
265. ʔəw̕ √qə́l+əl ʔal̕ sən nə-š-xʷ√qʷél̕=kʷən ‘I got discouraged.’ [CONTEMP √bad-’out-of-control’? LIMIT 1SUBJ 1POS-S,LOC√say(RES)=mind]
266. xʷ-s√ʔə́č+əč ‘He stutters.’
267. √mə́l+əl ‘It got soft (butter).’
268. √wə́q̕+əq̕ ‘Tree toad.’

2.3.8. Ordering of the radical morphological processes.
By inspecting forms in which pairs of radical morphological processes cooccur, a definite order of application can be discovered. The order described here is not intended to be definitive but merely suggestive. Although the order given here is completely consistent with the facts, it is based on an assumption that is not formally founded: that the order of the radical morphological processes is determined by the morpheme. That is, I offer no justification for the assumption that, for example, the reduplicative ‘actual’ appears at the same point in the derivation as the infixed ‘actual’.

2.3.8.1. The following have been observed in instances of cooccurrence of radical morphological processes:
1. Examples 3 and 4 in §2.3.1 demonstrate that ‘characteristic’ precedes the ‘resultive’.
2. Example 264 in §2.3.6.3 shows that ‘actual’ follows ‘resultive’.
3. Examples 110-112 in §2.3.3.4.3 show that ‘plural’ follows ‘diminutive’.
4. Though example 48 in §2.3.2.3 is inconclusive, example 46 suggests that ‘diminutive’ precedes ‘actual’ if we assume that the /ə́/ is the metathesized vowel of the suffix.
5. In §2.3.3.4.3 examples 109 and 111 it can be seen that ‘actual’ must precede ‘plural’.
6. Examples 113-114 in §2.3.3.4.3 show that ‘plural’ follows ‘characteristic’.
7. Example 115 in §2.3.3.4.3 shows that ‘plural’ precedes ‘repetitive’.

2.3.8.2. Given the facts of §2.3.8.1 the productive radical morphological processes can be seen to apply in the following order:

1. characteristic
2. resultive
3. diminutive (1, 2)?
4. actual
5. plural
6. repetitive

The arcs indicate pairs that have an order established in §2.3.8.1. The relationships between ‘diminutive’ and ‘resultive’ and between ‘diminutive’ and ‘characteristic’ have not been determined. No contradictions to this order have been observed.

2.3.9. Unanalyzable reduplication.
A number of forms have been recorded that apparently exhibit reduplication, but whose roots do not occur elsewhere.
269. pəpət̕^θíŋ ‘Skunk.’
270. sqəqəwéθ ‘Rabbit.’
271. qə́qtəm̕as ‘Lacrosse.’
272. tíntən ‘Ring a bell.’
273. št̕^θét̕^θəxʷnəč ‘Tailbone.’
274. šíʔšəč̕ ‘The bushes (if nobody’s in them).’
275. šíl̕šəl̕əč̕ ‘The bushes (if somebody’s in them).’

For the first three examples, 269-271, I have no plausible analysis. Example 272 is probably a loan from Chinook Jargon, but it could very well be a ‘characteristic’ (§2.3.1) form. If it is, then the ‘actual’ form of the word, /títən̕tən̕/ ‘ringing a bell’, establishes an ordering relatio nship between ‘characteristic’ and ‘actual’ and supports the order described in §2.3.8.2. Example 273 looks like, and could be, the C1 V́+ form of the ‘actual’. An analysis of 273 would then be 276:
276. š-t̕^θé+√t̕^θəxʷ=n̕əč [S,LOC-ACT+√?=tail]

Examples 274 and 275 are the most interesting. They seem to fit none of the analyzable patterns, and the glosses, confirmed by two informants, are puzzling. The two forms must certainly be related, but how? And these are probably related to another form, /šə́ləč̕/ ‘world, universe’, that does not help clarify the issue.

Notes to §2.3.

1. This gloss was suggested by L. C. Thompson (p.c.).

2. The precedence can be thought of either in terms of linear order as prefixes or as transformational processes. See §2.3.8 on the relative ordering of the radical morphological processes.

3. It is doubtful but not entirely out of the question. Although the word for ‘cat’ in Songish recorded by Raffo (1972:162) is quite different from the Saanich word, it is also borrowed and seems to have a unique reduplicative ‘diminutive’: /píš/ ‘cat’, /píšpiš/ ‘kitten’.

4. There is, at present, no evidence to decide between the analysis presented here and an analysis of this as a discontinuous morpheme with regressive, C1+, reduplication and concomitant change of the root vowel to /i/.

5. Raffo (1972:137) has analysed cognate forms in Songish as involving two morphemes, a reduplicative ‘plural’ and an /-i-/ infix ‘collective’. The ‘plural’ always occurs when the ‘collective’ occurs but not vice versa. I find no evidence in Saanich for such an analysis.

6. Kinkade (p.c.) suggests that the two /C1C2+/ forms of ‘plural’ can be viewed as the same with the general conditioning environment C1V́RX, where V́ is not ə́ and X is not a word boundary. This way the three exceptions here are not exceptions at all, but example 76 then is.
This analysis is probably the correct one, but the large number of examples with /l/ or /l̕/ as the resonant is striking especially since these are not the most frequently occurring resonants in the language.

7. The placement of the Saanich l-infix plural is similar to, but simpler than, that of the Cowichan cognate described by Hukari (1982). For Saanich too, the placement of this infix cries for a unified explanation in terms of its interaction with the other radical morphological processes. Here I simply describe its distribution.

8. The /ʔ/ is lost in the ‘plural’ here. I have no explanation for this.

9. The absence of a plural marking for /ləmətú/ may have something to do with the fact that ‘sheep’ in English has a zero plural. The word for ‘angel’ may represent a borrowing of a French plural, "les anges", and so is not needed to be pluralized again. But see example 107 above where ‘apples’, a plural form borrowed into Saanich from English can be further pluralized.

10. This term was first used by Thompson and Thompson (1969, 1971).

11. In this and most of the following translations of the ‘nonactual’ I use the past tense. It should be kept in mind that the Saanich sentences are unmarked for tense except when one of the post-predicate particles /ləʔ/ or /səʔ/ (§2.6.2.3.1) is present.

12. An alternative would be to analyze this as a progressive reduplication. If the suggestions made in §2.3.5.4.3.5 below are correct, the analysis as regressive reduplication is clearly preferable. An other possibility is that C1í is infixed after the root /ə/.

13. These two forms involve the ‘relational’ suffix ∥-ŋiy∥ (§2.5.3.2) as well as the ‘causative’ (§2.5.2.3.).