OMPSNSS:Suffixation

2.2. Suffixation.
This section documents all Saanich suffixes discovered to date except those that indicate person (see §2.4) and voice (see §2.5). The suffixes listed here include the large set of lexical suffixes (§2.2.10) and a number of other suffixes used to indicate various aspects and modes.

2.2.1. ∥-í∥ ‘persistent’.¹ This is an aspectual morpheme opposed to unmarked ‘non-persistent’. It indicates that the activity expressed in the stem to which it is attached continues past inception as a state. The absence or presence of this suffix allows differences in meaning comparable to the differences in such English pairs as ‘figure out/know’, ‘look at/watch’, and ‘take/hold’.
This affix is morphophonemically unusual in that it has qualities of the radical morphological processes (see §2.3). It is classified here as a suffix since it always follows and never directly affects the root phonologically. But it does directly affect other suffixes. ∥-í∥ ‘persistent’ is what might be called a " parasitic" morpheme. Its placement requires the presence of another suffix having an underlying /ə/ that acts as "host". This /í/ assumes the position of the rightmost /ə/ of a host suffix that is not preceded by a suffix with a non-schwa. This morpheme has never been recorded occurring without another suffix having an underlying ∥ə∥.
A possible formal analysis would consider this suffix to be initially placed immediately after the root. A special metathesis rule something like:
[+PERSIS] [+OBST] ə
1 2 3 → ø 2 1
then determines its surface position. The [+PERSIS] must be specified since other morphemes having /í/ do not undergo this process. See, for example, ∥-si∥ ‘indirective’ (§2.5.3.1). Examples 1 to 4 are analyzed with such a rule, and the rule that deletes /ə/ following another vowel (see §1.5.11) is assumed.
1. k̕ʷənít sən ‘I watch it.’ ∥√k̕ʷən-i-ət-ø sən∥ [√see-PERSIS-CTRAN-3OBJ 1SUBJ] (k̕ʷə́nət sən ‘I look at it.’)
2. k̕ʷənís sxʷ ‘You watch me.’ ∥√k̕ʷən-i-ət-s sxʷ∥ [√see-PERSIS-CTRAN-1OBJ 2SUBJ] (k̕ʷə́nəs sxʷ ‘You look at me.’)
3. k̕ʷənsí sən ‘I watch you.’ ∥√k̕ʷən-i-ət-sə sən∥ [√see-PERSIS-CTRAN-2OBJ 1SUBJ] (k̕ʷə́nəsə sən ‘I look at you.’)
4. k̕ʷənitál̕xʷ sxʷ ‘You watch us.’ ∥√k̕ʷən-i-ət-ál̕xʷ sxʷ∥ [√see-PERSIS-CTRAN-1PLOBJ 2SUBJ] (k̕ʷənətál̕xʷ sxʷ ‘You look at us.’)
The rule that deletes the ‘control transitive’ /t/ when followed by /s/ (see §2.5.2.1) must precede the special ‘persistent’ metathesis rule to account for forms like example 3.
In §2.4.5.6 a complete object and subject paradigm is given for ∥√x̣č∥ ‘figure out’ with ∥-í∥ ‘persistent’. The form with third person subject and first person singular object would be analyzed as in 5.
5. x̣əčsís ‘He knows me.’ ∥√x̣č-i-ət-s-əs∥ [√figure out-PERSIS-CTRAN-1OBJ-3SUBJ] (x̣čə́səs ‘He figured me out.’)
Examples 6 to 9 illustrate ∥-í∥ ‘persistent’ with another common root, ∥√kʷən∥ ‘take, grasp’.
6. kʷənít sən səʔ ‘I’ll hold it.’ ∥√kʷən-i-ət-ø sən səʔ∥ [√take, grasp-PERSIS-CTRAN-3OBJ 1SUBJ FUT] (kʷə́nət sən səʔ ‘I’ll take it.’)
7. kʷəntís ‘He held it.’ ∥√kʷən-i-ət-ø-əs∥ [√take, grasp-PERSIS-CTRAN-3OBJ-3SUBJ] (kʷə́nətəs ‘He took it.’)
8. ŋə́n̕ ʔən̕télə kʷəntíxʷ ‘You’ve got lots of money with you.’ ∥√ŋən̕ ʔən̕√telə √kʷən-i-ət-ø-əxʷ∥ [√lots 2POS√money √take, grasp-PERSIS-CTRAN-3OBJ-2SUBJ]
9. ŋə́n̕ téləɬtə kʷəntíɬtə ‘We’ve got lots of money with us.’ ∥√ŋən̕ √telə-ɬtə √kʷən-i-ət-ø-əɬtə∥ [√lot s 2POS√money √take, grasp-PERSIS-CTRAN-3OBJ-1PLSUBJ]
Examples 8 and 9 show the /í/ of the ‘persistent’ morpheme replacing the /ə/ of the subordinate subject suffixes (see §2.4.4.2).
Examples 10 to 12 illustrate ∥-í∥ ‘persistent’ with ∥-əŋ∥ ‘control middle’. Note that the resonant here (examples 11 and 12) blocks the metathesis.
10. s√ŋəq-í-ŋ ‘He’s underwater (he dove and is now under).’ [STAT√submerge-PERSIS-CMDL] (nə́qəŋ ‘He dove.)
11. √pək̕ʷ-í-ŋ-əɬ ɬtə ‘We smoked (hides, fish, etc.).’ [√smoke, preserve-PERSIS-CMDL-DUR 1PLSUBJ]
12. √ʔəl-í-ŋ-əɬ sən ‘I saved, stored away (money, etc.).’ [√put away-PERSIS-CMDL-DUR 1SUBJ] (ʔélət sən ‘I put it away.’)

2.2.2. ∥-əɬ∥ ‘durative’.² This is an aspectual morpheme opposed to unmarked ‘non-durative’. It indicates that the activity or situation expressed in the stem is a condition with some duration. It can occur alone with a root but more often it occurs with other aspectual morphemes, especially ‘stative’ (§2.1.2) and ‘resultive’ (§2.3.6).
13. kʷɬ √xʷəqʷ-í-ŋ̕-əɬ sən ‘I’m ironing.’ [REAL √rub-PERSIS-CMDL(ACT)-DUR 1SUBJ]
14. kʷɬ s√q̕ém̕-əɬ ‘It’s been cut in two.’ [REAL STAT√cut in two(RES)-DUR]
15. s√q̕ép-əɬ ‘They’re together.’ [STAT√gather(RES)-DUR]
16. kʷɬ iʔ p̕ə́kʷəɬ ‘It’s rising to the surface.’
17. qésəɬ ‘He’s falling overboard.’
18. slét̕^θəɬ ‘It’s crowded.’
A number of forms with this suffix are translated ‘belonging to ...’ or ‘from ...’ in the sense of ‘originating from’, ‘customary of’, or ‘typical of’.
19. xʷ√sénəč-əɬ ‘It belongs to Saanich (a given personal name).’ [LOC√Saanich-DUR]
20. s√xʷəlŋíxʷ-əɬ ‘ It’s from the Indians (e.g. lacrosse, totem poles).’
21. s-xʷ√lə́miʔ-əɬ s√yə́w-ən ‘It’s a Lummi power song.’
22. s√xʷənítəm-əɬ s√t̕íləm ‘It’s modern music.’ [STAT√white person-DUR S√sing]
23. s√péstən-əɬ ‘It’s American.’ [STAT√America < Eng. "Boston"-DUR]
This suffix is never used in this context to describe people, so /*spéstənəɬ sən/ is unacceptable. Example 23 was used to describe a long feathered headdress which some Saanich people perceive as being typical of Indians from the United States. The meaning produced by the addition of ∥-əɬ∥ in forms such as examples 19-23 seems different enough from the meaning of examples 13-16 to assume two homophonous morphemes. Native Saanich speakers, however, feel these to be all the same.

2.2.3. ∥-t∥ ‘stative₂‘. This aspectual morpheme is rare and probably not productive³. There are very few observed roots from which it is clearly segmentable. Example 24 is one of these.
24. kʷɬ sə+√séw̕-t ‘He’s lying down.’ [REAL RES+√put down(ACT)-STAT]
The root in 24 has never been recorded with the ∥-ət∥ ‘control transitive’, but it has been recorded with the ∥-əs∥ ‘effort transitive’. It may be that the same class of roots that take this transitivizer also take ‘stative₂‘ rather than ‘stative₁‘ (see §2.1.2). Example 24 is also in the reduplicated form of the ‘resultive’. In §2.3.6.2 examples show that the ablaut form of the ‘resultive’ often occurs with ‘stative₁‘. It may be that ‘stative₂‘ patterns with a set of roots that reduplicate in the ‘resultive’. Too few examples have been recorded to make any definitive analysis. The following examples may also bear this suffix.
25. ɬq̕ə́t ‘It’s wide, flattened.’
26. čɬə́t ‘It’s thick.’
27. ʔámət sən ‘I sat.’
28. ƛ̕éqt ‘It’s tall, long.’ (ƛ̕qé=qən ‘long feather’)
29. stíwət ‘A northerly wind.’ (xʷtíwəl ‘Northern people’)
30. ʔítət sən ‘I’m in bed.’

See §2.2.7 for other possible occurrences of this morpheme.

2.2.4. ∥-il∥ ‘directional’. This suffix signals development in a direction indicated by the stem⁴. It is most closely matched in English by ‘towards’. It can precede ‘control’ or ‘non-control’, ‘transitive’ or ‘intransitive’ morphemes. It is itself unmarked for control. When following a strong root it appears unstressed as /-əl/.
31. √ƛ̕č-íl-əŋ ‘It sank.’ (√ƛ̕č ‘deep, under, below’)
32. √ƛ̕č-əl-ŋí-stxʷ sən ‘I sank it.’
33. √yeʔ ləʔ sən √nəw̕-íl-əŋ ‘I went in.’ [√go PAST 1SUBJ √be inside-DIR-CMDL]
34. √yeʔ ləʔ sən √sq-íl-əŋ ‘I went out.’
35. √t̕s-íl-əŋ ‘Get away.’ [√break-DIR-CMDL]
36. x̣ʷəlqʷíləŋ ‘He went downstream.’
37. kʷɬ iʔ √téy̕-əl̕ ‘He’s going upstream now.’ [REAL ACCOM √upstream(ACT)-DIR]
38. xʷ√q̕əkʷ-íl-ət sən ‘I went with him.’ [LOC√accompany-DIR-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)]
39. √t̕éʔ-əl-əŋ ‘He mounted (a horse).’ [√on, upon, high, above-DIR-CMDL]
40. kʷɬ √téč-əl ‘He already arrived.’ [REAL √be here-DIR] (tčístəs ‘He brought it here.’)

2.2.5. ∥-asəŋ̕∥ ‘directionless’? This morpheme has been recorded with only one root. Attempts made to elicit it with others were unsuccessful. It may actually be a post-predicate particle. Its classification here as a suffix is based on the fact that it takes more prominent stress than any syllable of the stem which it follows. This morpheme has only been recorded in ‘actual’ stems, therefore the glottalization of the final resonant may be due to the ‘actual’ (see §2.3.5) and not an underlying feature.
41. ʔəw̕ šə+√št-əŋ̕-ásəŋ̕ sən ʔal̕ ‘I’m just going to wander around a little (sightseeing).’ [CONTEMP DIM,ACT√walk-CMDL-DIRLESS]
42. šələštəŋ̕ásəŋ̕ ‘A lot of people are wandering around.’

2.2.6. ∥-el̕ŋən∥ ‘desiderative’. This suffix indicates that the state of affairs expressed in the predicate is desired by the subject. This differs in meaning from the post-predicate particle ∥yəq∥ ‘optative’ (§2.6.2.2.2) in that the latter implies some expectations on the part of the speaker. ∥-el̕ŋən∥ simply indicates desire.
This suffix is unusual in that it can follow the transitive and intransitive suffixes (examples 45-47). The only other suffixes that do this are other transitives or intransitives and the objective pronominals. It cannot be analyzed as a post-predicate particle, however, since it can be followed by other suffixes (examples 49-50).
43. √čč-él̕ŋən sən ‘I want to work.’ [√work-DESID 1SUBJ]
44. ččél̕ŋən ə sxʷ ‘Do you want to work?’
45. √k̕ʷən-t-él̕ŋən sən ‘I want to look at it.’ [√see-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)-DESID 1SUBJ]
46. √kʷən-ət-əs-él̕ŋən ‘He wants to take it.’ [√take, grasp-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)-3SUBJ-DESID]
47. √t̕əm̕-t-él̕ŋən ləʔ sən ‘I wanted to hit him.’ [√hit-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)-DESID PAST 1SUBJ]
48. √yeʔ-él̕ŋən sən ‘I want to go.’ [√go, depart-DESID 1SUBJ]
49. qəʔew̕əŋél̕ŋ̕ən̕ sən ‘I want to rest.’ (√qew ‘rest’)
50. √qəʔew̕-əŋ̕-él̕ŋ̕ən̕-t-aŋ̕ə sən ‘I want to rest you.’ [√rest(ACT)-CMDL-DESID-CAUS-2OBJ 1SUBJ]

2.2.7. /-ən/ ∼ /-tən/ ‘instrumental’. Forms with this suffix refer to implements, tools, etc. This suffix is not a case marker as the gloss might suggest; it is never, for example, translated ‘with’.
The two alternate forms are apparently morphologically conditioned. The form without the /t/ (examples 55-64) occurs about twice as often as the other (examples 65-75). For one stem (examples 51-52) both forms of the suffix were recorded at different times with the same meaning. When this was pointed out to native speakers they decided that the form with the /t/ (51) was a mistake and that it sounded more Cowichan than Saanich.
One pair of words (53-54) with clearly the same root seems to show /-ən/ in contrast to /-tən/. The form with /-tən/ has an apparently older meaning, so may simply be a relic form, or it may be a borrowing from Cowichan. Another more interesting possibility is that the /t/ here is a separate suffix related, perhaps, to the ‘control transitive’ ∥-ət∥. Example 53 is clearly intransitive, but the difference between 53 and 54 does seem to be in part at least one of ‘control’ versus ‘non-control’. The root ∥√t̕^θís∥ means ‘punch, pound, hit by throwing or flinging’. Horns or antlers as in example 53 with the /t/ are instruments that pound; a nail as in example 54 is an instrument that gets pounded. The former implies control while the latter implies non-control. Nevertheless, no other such pair has been recorded and nowhere else is there an apparent ‘control’/’non-control’ distinction between /-tən/ and /-ən/.
There are at least two other reasonable analyses. One would identify this /t/ with the poorly understood ‘stative₂‘ (§2.2.3). Colville in the Interior has a /-t/ ‘stative’ preceding a /-n/ ‘instrumental’ (Mattina, 1973)⁵.
The other analysis would recognize two separate morphemes: ∥-tən∥ and ∥-ən∥. Upper Chehalis has been described this way (Kinkade, 1963).⁶
51. š√mát̕=əs-tən ‘Harpoon.’ [S,LOC√point=face-INST]
52. šmát̕əsən ‘Harpoon.’
53. t̕^θís-tən ‘Horn, antler.’
54. t̕^θís-ən ‘Nail.’
55. √pəθ=sə́n-tən ‘Floor mat.’ [√spread=foot-INST]
56. š√q̕ə́l̕-tən ‘Diaper.’ [S,LOC√curl, wrap around-INST]
57. √ɬə́p-tən ‘Eyelashes.’ [√blink-INST]
58. t̕^θéŋtən ‘Bailer.’
59. š√xʷiim=ás-tən ‘Mask.’ [S,LOC√adornment=face-INST]
60. swə́ltən ‘Net, web.’
61. špénətən ‘Adze.’
62. sə́l̕səl̕tən ‘Leg spindle.’
63. t̕^θə́x̣tən ‘Poison.’ (t̕^θə́x̣t̕^θəx̣ ‘stinging nettles’)
64. š√p̕ə́kʷ-tən ‘Float on fishing line.’ [S,LOC√rise to surface-INST]
65. √ɬáp̕-ən ‘Spoon.’ [√eat by sipping-INST] (sɬap̕ ‘soup’)
66. √šíp-ən ‘Knife.’ [√whittle-INST]
67. √tč=ás-ən ‘Short fish spear.’ [√poke=face-INST]
68. péeč̕ən ‘Fishing rod.’
69. √x̣ə́š-ən ‘Animal trap.’ [√trap animals-INST]
70. √páxʷ-ən ‘Sail.’ [√blow-INST]
71. √č̕ét̕^θ-ən ‘Needle.’ [√sew-INST]
72. ɬəɬə́ŋən ‘Loom.’ (√ɬəŋ ‘separate’)
73. sŋíq̕ən ‘Mast.’
74. x̣ʷáq̕ʷən ‘Canoe pole.’ (x̣ʷáq̕ʷət sən ‘I poled it (a canoe upriver).’
75. ɬík̕ʷən ‘Fishhook.’ (√ɬíkʷ ‘get hooked’)

2.2.8. ∥-nəq∥ ‘habitual’? This morpheme is not common and the gloss here is very tentative. When it does occur, however, it is clearly segmentable. The following are all of the recorded examples.
76. √x̣áɬ-ənəq ‘He’s hurting peoples feelings (he knows it but keeps on doing it).’ (x̣ə́ɬ sən ‘I feel bad.’ x̣ɬə́təŋ sən ‘Someone hurt me.’)
77. √nə́p-ənəq ‘He gives advice to many people.’ (nə́pət ‘Advise him.’)
78. √ɬk̕ʷé-ɬ-ənəq ‘He keeps coming around and bothering.’ [√get hooked, snagged-DUR-HABIT] (ɬk̕ʷéɬtəŋ sən ‘He bothered me.’)
79. θə̀kʷ+√θəkʷá-nəq ‘He’s always squealing on somebody.’ (θəkʷásəs ‘He squealed on me.’)
80. √qʷə́l-t-ənəq ‘Report (squeal on) him (to the police).’ [√speak-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)-HABIT]
81. √pə́θ-t-ənəq ‘He’s jealous.’ [√spread-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)-HABIT]
82. √ƛ̕éʔ-nəq sən səʔ ‘I’m going to give a potlatch.’ [√invite-HABIT 1SUBJ FUT]
83. kʷəw̕t̕^θénəq ‘He’s teasing.’ (kʷəw̕t̕^θésə sən ‘I’m teasing you.’)
84. ɬəkʷénəq ‘Power to cure.’ (ɬew̕ yəq sən ‘I hope I’m getting better.’)
85. ƛ̕xʷə́-nəq ‘He’s a winner; he won.’ (ƛ̕xʷə́t sən kʷəʔ ‘I beat him.’ sƛ̕ə́xʷ ‘He lost.’)
This last example indicates that this morpheme is marked ‘control’.

2.2.9. ∥-əl̕∥ ‘modified color’. This suffix has been recorded with only two different stems. It is suffixed to two basic color terms and seems to indicate a color shifted higher in the spectrum. Red becomes a slightly yellowish orange; green becomes bluish green. It may be that this is to be identified with ∥-il∥ ‘directional’ (§2.2.4). This would give 86 and 87 the plausible literal meanings ‘toward red’ and ‘toward green’. It is accompanied by /ʔə/ infixed after the stressed vowel of the root.
86. kʷí(ʔə)m-əl̕ ‘Yellowish orange.’ (nə√kʷím ‘red’)
87. qʷé(ʔə)y-əl̕ ‘Bluish green (like the water).’ (nə√qʷéy ‘grass green’)

2.2.10. Lexical suffixes.
Lexical suffixes are derivational morphemes with substantive, root-like meaning. They are common in Salish languages and occur in other languages of the Northwest. See M. T. Thompson’s edition (1974) of Haeberlin’s work for an extensive survey of lexical suffixes in the Salish languages.

2.2.10.0.1. Each lexical suffix seems to have a basic tangible signification that can be extended metaphorically. For example ∥=əqsən∥ seems to have a basic meaning ‘nose’ as in 88 and 89.
88. s√mət=ə́qsən ‘Nasal mucus’
89. xʷ√t̕əm̕-él=əqsən sən ‘I got hit on the nose’ [LOC√hit-CONNEC=nose 1SUBJ]
More often, however, this suffix appears with a more abstract meaning ‘point, protrusion’.
90. √ʔíl=əqsən ‘Point of land.’
91. √šəp=ə́qsən ‘Sharp point (on pencil, knife, etc.)’
Some of the suffixes (§2.2.10.1.4, §2.2.10.1.9, §2.2.10.1.14, §2.2.10.1.16, §2.2.10.1.27, §2.2.10.1.30, §2.2.10.1.33, §2.2.10.1.40, §2.2.10.1.42, §2.2.10.1.44, §2.2.10.1.50, §2.2.10.1.53) show a greater tendency to metaphorical extention than others.
Each lexical suffix can probably best be viewed as representing a complex network of associations rather than a concrete or abstract base from which metaphorical extentions are made.⁷ Certain salient elements of the real world (body parts, plants, buildings, etc.) form high priority nexus in the semantic network. Thus the first thing the suffix ∥=əqsən∥, for example, will bring to mind when considered in isolation is "nose". The glosses given in §2.2.10.1 do not define the suffix but simply reflect the most prominent nexus⁸. The list in figure 3 is provided for ease of reference. The numbers to the left of the suffixes indicate subsections under §2.2.10.1.

Table 3. Saanich Lexical Suffixes

1. ∥=aʔ∥ ‘person’
2. ∥=əʔəč∥ ‘animal’
3. ∥=eyəč∥ ‘leg’
4. ∥=ečən∥ ‘waist’
5. ∥=čəp∥ ‘fire’
6. ∥=čəs∥ ‘hand’
7. ∥=ečsəŋ∥ ‘neck’
8. ∥=kʷiləʔ∥ ‘inside surface’
9. ∥=wiɬ∥ ‘canoe’
10. ∥=kʷəɬ∥ ‘torso’
11. ∥=wən∥ ‘mind, emotion’
12. ∥=iwəs∥ ‘body, skin’
13. ∥=kʷat∥ ‘clothing’
14. ∥=éləʔ∥ ‘container’
15. ∥=eleq∥ ‘wave’
16. ∥=alas∥ ‘eye’
17. ∥=éləs∥ ‘testicles’
18. ∥=aɬ∥ ‘offspring’
19. ∥=eɬ∥ ‘times’
20. ∥=iɬč∥ ‘plant’
21. ∥=aɬən∥ ‘fish’
22. ∥=eɬsə∥ ‘water’
23. ∥=ɬšeʔ∥ ‘tens’
24. ∥=íiməʔ∥ ‘appearance’
25. ∥=amət∥ ‘blanket’
26. ∥=en∥ ‘ear’
27. ∥=een∥ ‘arrow, angle’
28. ∥=neč∥ ‘tail, rear end’
29. ∥=ənə́kʷ∥ ‘ground, floor’
30. ∥=enkʷəs∥ ‘stomach’
31. ∥=ɬnel∥ ‘throat’
32. ∥=nəs∥ ‘tooth’
33. ∥=inəs∥ ‘chest’
34. ∥=net∥ ‘day’
35. ∥=enəxʷ∥ ‘season’
36. ∥=aŋ̕əʔ∥ ‘berry’
37. ∥=ŋəxʷ∥ ‘being’
38. ∥=qəč∥ ‘smell’
39. ∥=qən∥ ‘hair’
40. ∥=qən∥ ‘pharynx’
41. ∥=iqən∥ ‘belly’
42. ∥=ə́qsən∥ ‘nose’
43. ∥=iqʷ∥ ‘head’
44. ∥=as∥ ‘face’
45. ∥=əs∥ ‘day’
46. ∥=sən∥ ‘foot, lower leg’
47. ∥=sis∥ ‘hand, lower arm’
48. ∥=ətxʷ∥ ‘dollar’
49. ∥=əθ∥ ‘edge’
50. ∥=aθin∥ ‘mouth’
51. ∥=it̕^θəʔ∥ ‘cloth’
52. ∥=əwíč∥ ‘back, spine’
53. ∥=ew̕eč∥ ‘bottom’
54. ∥=aw̕əqʷ∥ ‘bundle’
55. ∥=ə́w̕sə∥ ‘fire’
56. ∥=ew̕txʷ∥ ‘building’
57. ∥=ex̣ən∥ ‘arm, side’
58. ∥=ey̕∥ ‘wood’

2.2.10.0.2. For many of the lexical suffixes there are independent words with the same meaning. There are five full words in Saanich⁹ that, with the addition of a single initial consonant, incorporate the corresponding suffix: /téčsəŋ/ ‘neck’ (§2.2.10.1.7), /čə́nəs/ ‘tooth’ (§2.2.10.1.32), /tə́ŋəxʷ/ ‘earth’ (§2.2.10.1.37), /ŋə́qsən/ ‘nose’ (§2.2.10.1.42), and /θáθən/ ‘mouth’ (§2.2.10.1.50).
A few of the full words corresponding to lexical suffixes contain the suffix as well as a separable root: /t̕^θəméen/ ‘arrow’ (§2.2.10.1.27), /sƛ̕əp̕éy̕snəč/ ‘tail’ (§2.2.10.1.28), and /sʔáθəs/ ‘face’ (§2.2.10.1.44). Other suffixes are entirely unrelated to the corresponding independent words, for example, /x̣ə́nəʔ/ ‘leg’ (§2.2.10.1.3), /k̕ʷə́ləw̕/ ‘skin’ (§2.2.10.1.12), /ɬqit/ ‘clothing’ (§2.2.10.1.13), /qáləŋ̕/ ‘eye’ (§2.2.10.1.16), /qʷaʔ/ ‘water’ (§2.2.10.1.22), /ʔápən/ ‘ten’ (§2.2.10.1.23), /xʷáŋən/ ‘throat’ (§2.2.10.1.31), /t̕^θə́ŋəɬ/ ‘chest’ (§2.2.10.1.33), /ƛ̕es/ ‘belly’ (§2.2.10.1.41), /sq̕ʷáŋiʔ/ ‘head’ (§2.2.10.1.43), and /ʔél̕əŋ/ ‘house’ (§2.2.10.1.56).

2.2.10.0.3. The lexical suffixes vary greatly in degree of productivity and in frequency of occurrence. Of those listed here, some appear in a fairly large number of words which seem to be frozen forms, the root of the word never appearing without the suffix (§2.2.10.1.1, §2.2.10.1.37, §2.2.10.1.58). Others occur with a very limited set of roots but are clearly analyzable (§2.2.10.1.19, §2.2.10.1.23, §2.2.10.1.25, §2.2.10.1.47, §2.2.10.1.54). Some of the suffixes appear frequently in the corpus with a wide variety of roots (§2.2.10.1.6, §2.2.10.1.12, §2.2.10.1.13, §2.2.10.1.14, §2.2.10.1.16, §2.2.10.1.33, §2.2.10.1.42, §2.2.10.1.43, §2.2.10.1.44, §2.2.10.1.46, §2.2.10.1.47, §2.2.10.1.50), while others are quite rare (§2.2.10.1.2, §2.2.10.1.3, §2.2.10.1.8, §2.2.10.1.17, §2.2.10.1.21, §2.2.10.1.22, §2.2.10.1.24, §2.2.10.1.27, §2.2.10.1.36, §2.2.10.1.38).
Many of the lexical suffixes derive forms with meanings predictable from the component morphemes, but frequently the connections between the meaning of the derived form and its components are idiosyncratic or completely obscure (see especially §2.2.10 examples 137, 139, 142, 144, 148, 159, 160, 172, 176, 177, 188, 198, 200, 201, 204, 241, 246, 250, 256, 280, 304, 336, 342, 351, 353).

2.2.10.0.4. Most of the lexical suffixes fit into a few semantic or functional categories. The numeral classifiers often fit into other categories as well (§2.2.10.1.14, §2.2.10.1.19, §2.2.10.1.20, §2.2.10.1.23, §2.2.10.1.25, §2.2.10.1.47, and §2.2.10.1.54). Body parts and functions form the largest category (§2.2.10.1.3, §2.2.10.1.4, §2.2.10.1.6, §2.2.10.1.7, §2.2.10.1.10, §2.2.10.1.11, §2.2.10.1.12, §2.2.10.1.16, §2.2.10.1.17, §2.2.10.1.24, §2.2.10.1.26, §2.2.10.1.28, §2.2.10.1.30, §2.2.10.1.31, §2.2.10.1.32, §2.2.10.1.33, §2.2.10.1.38, §2.2.10.1.39, §2.2.10.1.40, §2.2.10.1.41, §2.2.10.1.42, §2.2.10.1.43, §2.2.10.1.44, §2.2.10.1.46, §2.2.10.1.47, §2.2.10.1.50, §2.2.10.1.52, §2.2.10.1.53, §2.2.10.1.57). Two other smaller categories are natural phenomena (§2.2.10.1.5, §2.2.10.1.14, §2.2.10.1.15, §2.2.10.1.18, §2.2.10.1.20, §2.2.10.1.21, §2.2.10.1.27, §2.2.10.1.29, §2.2.10.1.34, §2.2.10.1.35, §2.2.10.1.36, §2.2.10.1.45, §2.2.10.1.55, §2.2.10.1.58) and man-made items (§2.2.10.1.9, §2.2.10.1.13, §2.2.10.1.14, §2.2.10.1.25, §2.2.10.1.27, §2.2.10.1.48, §2.2.10.1.51, §2.2.10.1.54, §2.2.10.1.56). The suffixes that do not fit into one or more of these categories (§2.2.10.1.1, §2.2.10.1.2, §2.2.10.1.8, §2.2.10.1.37) are problematic for other reasons as well.

2.2.10.0.5. Saanich appears to have few lexical suffixes compared to other Salish languages.¹⁰ Only fifty-eight have been observed so far. Perhaps a few lexical suffixes have not yet been discovered, but even double this number would be few in comparison to Chilliwack Halkomelem, for instance, for which Galloway (1977) has recorded over 150.
Pidgeon (1970) lists most of the lexical suffixes found in Saanich. In the list that follows I will try to avoid any duplication of that admirable work, but some repetition of data will be inevitable, especially in the less frequently occurring suffixes. The examples have been chosen to give some idea of the phonological variation, semantic range, and productivity of the suffix.
The analysis presented here, based on a broader and later view of the language, differs in a number of instances from that presented by Pidgeon. Several suffixes will appear to have forms quite different from those listed by Pidgeon, but comparison of the examples will show that the differences in most cases are matters of analysis. For example, in this analysis ∥=kʷat∥ (§2.2.10.1.12) is considered a single morpheme; Pidgeon shows two: /-kʷ/ and /-at/.
Aside from differences in analysis and transcription twenty suffixes not identified previously are listed here (§2.2.10.1.1, §2.2.10.1.2, §2.2.10.1.10, §2.2.10.1.15, §2.2.10.1.21, §2.2.10.1.22, §2.2.10.1.23, §2.2.10.1.24, §2.2.10.1.25, §2.2.10.1.34, §2.2.10.1.36, §2.2.10.1.38, §2.2.10.1.41, §2.2.10.1.45, §2.2.10.1.48, §2.2.10.1.49, §2.2.10.1.50, §2.2.10.1.52, §2.2.10.1.54, §2.2.10.1.58).
Five suffixes listed by Pidgeon are not listed here because I was unable to elicit them myself: /=iʔás/ ‘belly, outside of a rounded object such as barrel, basket’ (p.28), /=eq/ ‘penis’ (p.25), /=šən/ ‘liquid of a certain consistency (dense)’ (p.39), /=xʷθəɬ/ ‘tongue’ (p.44), and /=éyəq/ ‘whole leg’ (p.27).

2.2.10.1.1. ∥=aʔ∥ ‘person, relation’? This suffix appears regularly in only a few forms and is certainly not productive. It has /a/ only when stressed (examples 103, 104, and 108), otherwise it appears as /=əʔ/ (examples 94 through 102) or /=ʔ/ when preceded by a vowel or syllabic resonant (examples 92 and 93).
92. s√ɬéni=ʔ ‘Woman.’
93. √q̕éʔŋi=ʔ ‘Maiden.’
94. s√čéʔč=əʔ ‘Friend, relative.’
95. s√ʔə́y̕=əʔ ‘Sweetheart.’ [S√good=person]
96. √ŋə́n=əʔ ‘Son, daughter.’
97. šxʷ√ʔáq̕ʷ=əʔ ‘Brother, sister.’
98. s√č̕əyáy=əʔ ‘Twins.’
99. √síl=əʔ ‘Grandparent.’
100. s√wéy̕q=əʔ ‘Man.’
101. √šə́y=əʔ ‘Co-wife.’
102. √č̕éeʔ=əʔ ‘Spouse of one’s deceased sibling.’
103. s√ɬənəč=áʔ=aɬ ‘Girl.’
104. s√wey̕q=áʔ=aɬ ‘Boy.’
105. məq̕éʔəʔ ‘Makah people.’
106. ɬə́q̕ətəʔ ‘Non-Coast Indians.’
Examples 103 and 104 can be seen to have the same roots as examples 92 and 100. The /i/ of 92 and the /č/ of 103 both arise from an underlying ∥y∥ (see §1.5.7). The second /ə/ in 103 is epenthetic.
Example 95 is the only form that is clearly analyzable. No other kinship terms have this suffix and those that do show no clear pattern.
A number of other words seem to have this suffix but do not refer to people. The following refer to animals¹¹:
107. s√qéx̣=əʔ ‘Dog.’
108. s-qə+√qx̣=áʔ=aɬ ‘Puppy.’ (Compare with 103 and 104.)
109. stqéyəʔ ‘Wolf.’
110. sk̕ʷtáʔ ‘Raven.’
111. qəqéeyəʔ ‘Snipe.’
112. ŋə́q̕ʷəʔ ‘Great blue heron.’
113. st̕^θáqʷiʔ ‘Spring salmon.’
114. sqʷáməʔ ‘Catfish.’
115. p̕ə́wiʔ ‘Flounder.’
116. ɬə́məq̕ʷəʔ ‘Sole.’
117. k̕ʷət̕^θənə́čtəʔ ‘Shark.’ (This may involve a root meaning "cut" and the lexical suffix for "tail" (§2.2.10.1.28))
118. k̕ʷít̕^θiʔ ‘Small green-yellow sea eggs.’
119. sʔáɬqəʔ ‘Snake.’
Referring to plants:
120. t̕^θák̕ʷiʔ ‘Skunk cabbage.’
121. səníʔ ‘Oregon grape.’
122. t̕éqəʔ ‘Salal berry.’
Referring to body parts:
123. x̣ə́nəʔ ‘Leg.’
124. sqəmáʔ ‘Breast.’
125. mə́xʷəyəʔ ‘Navel.’
126. q̕ʷáŋiʔ ‘Head.’
Referring to natural phenomena:
127. sθíməʔ ‘Ice.’
128. x̣áčəʔ ‘Lake.’
Referring to tools:
129. č̕át̕əʔ ‘Clam barbecuing stick.’
130. x̣ʷáləʔ ‘Reef net.’
131. q̕ə́kʷəʔ ‘Cane; walking stick.’
Of all of these only the last clearly has a root that appears elsewhere without the suffix: /√q̕ékʷ-əŋ/ ‘knee’.

2.2.10.1.2. ∥=əʔəč∥ ‘antlered animal’? Only two examples of this suffix have been seen; the root is not recognizable in either. This may be related to the suffix for ‘back’ (§2.2.10.1.52).
132. √kʷéw=əʔəč ‘Moose.’
133. √q̕əy=ə́ʔəč ‘Elk.’
The usual Saanich word for ‘deer’, /smə́yəθ/, does not show this suffix. It may be that these two examples are borrowings. Neither moose nor elk are to be found on the Saanich Peninsula.

2.2.10.1.3. ∥=eyəč∥ ‘leg’. Pidgeon gives the gloss "upper leg above and including the knee" (p.26) and several clear examples. I have been able to elicit only two examples of this suffix. The ∥y∥ surfaces as /č/ unless glottalized by the ‘actual’ (see §2.3.5).
134. s-x̣ʷ(əl)+√x̣ʷč=éčəč ‘Lame.’
135. s√tkʷ=éy̕əč ‘He’s limping.’

2.2.10.1.4. ∥=ečən∥ ‘waist, circumference’.
136. √ƛ̕ət̕^θ=éčən ‘Belt.’ [√tight=waist]
137. √qp̕-əl=éčən ‘Lid, cover.’ [√cover-CONNEC=waist]
138. √q̕p̕-əl=éč-t ‘Bundle them (sticks) up.’ [√gather-CONNEC=waist-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)]
139. q̕əm̕+√q̕əm̕=éčən ‘Type of wasp.’ [CHAR+√cut in two=waist]
140. š√q̕éw̕=əčən ‘Anterior dorsal (waist?) fin of a fish.’
141. √q̕ʷs=ə́čən ‘Swallow (bird).’
142. √k̕ʷəy=éčən ‘Grizzly bear.’
Example 141 is questionable because of the /ə́/. The root in 142 may be the root meaning ‘refuse, unable, wrong, forbidden’ as in /sk̕ʷey kʷə nəsyéʔ/ ‘I can’t go’; /k̕ʷéysit sən/ ‘I refused him (to have it)’; and /k̕ʷey kʷə n̕sčqʷə́l̕qʷəl̕/ ‘It’s forbidden to talk about it.’ But connections between the meaning of 142 and the meanings of the component morphemes are far from clear.
143. š√t̕^θám̕=əčən ‘Bracelet.’ [S,LOC√bone=waist]
The suffix in 143 may be better analyzed as two: /=əč/, a variant of ∥=čəs∥ ‘hand’, and /-ən/ ‘instrument’. Haeberlin (M. T. Thompson, 1974:283) shows a Nanaimo word for bracelet looking very similar to this under a suffix meaning ‘wrist joint, ankle joint’.
144. √θés=čən ‘Blood.’
This last example is entirely unclear.

2.2.10.1.5. ∥=čəp∥ ‘fire’.
145. √šə́l=čəp ‘Firedrill.’ [√circle, turn around=fire]
146. √q̕ʷáy̕-ə=čəp ‘Ashes, soot.’ [√dead-CONNEC=fire]

2.2.10.1.6. ∥=čəs∥ ‘hand’. See also §2.2.10.1.47.
147. s√nəx̣-ál=čəs ‘Finger.’ [S√digit-CONNEC=hand]
148. š-xʷ√ʔəw̕á-l̕=čəs ‘Cat’s cradle (string game).’ [S-LOC√game-CONNEC(ACT)=hand]
149. š√məlyí=čəs ‘Wedding ring.’ [S,LOC√wedding (< French "marier")=hand]
150. š√xʷíi(lə)m=čəs ‘Finger rings.’ [S,LOC√body adornment(PL)=hand]
151. √ɬq̕-é=čəs ‘Five.’ [√one of a pair-CONNEC=hand]

2.2.10.1.7. ∥=ečsəŋ∥ ‘neck, back of head’.
152. ʔən̕-s√qʷən=éčsəŋ ‘Your neck hair.’ [2POS-S√beard=neck]
153. √tkʷ=éčsəŋ ‘He broke his neck.’ [√break=neck]
154. √t̕əm̕=éčsəŋ ‘He got hit on the back of the head.’ [√hit=neck]

2.2.10.1.8. ∥=kʷiləʔ∥ ‘inside surface of open container’?
155. xʷ√t̕^θəkʷ=kʷíləʔ ‘She’s cleaning dishes.’

2.2.10.1.9. ∥=wiɬ∥ ‘canoe’. The ∥w∥ surfaces when glottalized in the ‘actual’.
156. √tey-ə́=kʷəɬ ‘Racing canoe.’ [√race-CONNEC=canoe]
157. √x̣əlx̣-ə́=kʷəɬ ‘War canoe.’ [√war-CONNEC=canoe]
158. √θéy̕=w̕əɬ ‘He’s building a canoe.’ [√build(ACT)=canoe]
159. xʷ√ʔə́y̕=w̕əɬ ‘Generous.’ [LOC√good(ACT)=canoe]
160. xʷ√qə́l̕=w̕əɬ ‘Stingy.’ [LOC√bad(ACT)=canoe]
161. š√x̣əƛ̕=kʷíɬ-ən ‘Cross-piece in a canoe’ [S,LOC√cross=canoe-INST]

2.2.10.1.10. ∥=kʷəɬ∥ ‘torso’. This may be related to the ‘canoe’ suffix through metaphorical extention by way of ‘container’. See §2.2.10.1.14. Examples 159 and 160, above, could fit just as well here.
162. √t̕əm̕-ál=kʷəɬ sən ‘I got hit on the side.’ [√hit=torso]
163. √tkʷ-ál=kʷəɬ ‘He broke his rib.’ [√break=torso]
164. s√ƛ̕aʔəm̕-ál=kʷəɬ ‘Appendix.’
165. s√tés=kʷəɬ ‘Back (of body).’

2.2.10.1.11. ∥=wən∥ ‘mind, emotion’. The ∥w∥ surfaces when glottalized in the ‘actual’.
166. xʷ-qʷəl̕+√qʷəl̕-é=w̕ən̕ ‘He’s thinking.’ [LOC-CHAR+√talk(ACT)-CONNEC=mind]
167. xʷ√ʔə́y̕=kʷən ‘He’s a nice person.’ [LOC√good=mind]
168. s√čəw̕t-í=w̕ən̕ ‘He’s smart.’ [S√trained(ACT)-CONNEC=mind]
169. nə-š√ɬíʔ-ə=kʷən ‘I’m disgusted.’ [1POS-S,LOC√?-CONNEC=mind]
170. ʔəw̕ √qə́l+əl ʔal̕ sən nə-š-xʷ√qʷél-ə=kʷən ‘I got discouraged.’ [CONTEM √bad+NCR LIMIT 1SUBJ 1POS-S-LOC√talk(RES)-CONNEC=mind]

2.2.10.1.12. ∥=iwəs∥ ‘body, skin’. The ∥w∥ surfaces as /kʷ/ unless glottalized by the ‘actual’.
171. √k̕ʷs=íkʷəs ‘He singed (the hairs off) the hide.’ [√singe=body]
172. √šəm=íkʷəs ‘Smallpox, chickenpox, measles.’ [√dry, parch=body]
173. √q̕ʷəŋ=íkʷəs-t ‘Pluck it (feathers from a bird).’ [√pluck=body-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)]
174. √ɬč=íkʷəs sən ‘I’m tired.’ [√tired=body]
175. √ʔəp=íw̕s-t-əs ‘She’s petting him.’ [√stroke=body(ACT)-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)-3SUBJ]
176. q̕ə+√q̕ən=íw̕s ‘Delay.’ [RES+√slow=body]
177. √ɬəŋ=íkʷəs-t ‘Take it apart.’ [√separate=body-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)]
178. s√qs=íkʷəs ‘He drowned.’ [S√overboard=body]
179. √θiʔ=íw̕s ‘She’s all dressed up.’ [√build=body(ACT)]

2.2.10.1.13. ∥=kʷat∥ ‘clothing’. This suffix appears as /=kʷát/ when stressed, /=kʷət/ when not stressed, and /=kʷ/ when unstressed and followed by an alveolar or another stressed suffix.
180. š√k̕ʷəm̕-ál=kʷət ‘Bathing suit.’ [S,LOC√bathe-CONNEC=clothing]
181. √pəq̕-ál=kʷət ‘Potlatch blanket.’ [√white-CONNEC=clothing]
182. √t̕^θəkʷ-əl=kʷát-əŋ ‘She’s washing clothes.’ [√wash-CONNEC=clothing-CMDL]
183. √məlyi-təl-hál=kʷət ‘Wedding gown.’ [√wedding-RECIP-CONNEC=clothing]
184. √ƛ̕čí=kʷ-ən ‘Underwear.’ [√beneath=clothing-INST]
185. √ƛ̕pí=w-ən ‘Shirt.’
Example 185 is probably a borrowing from Cowichan and cognate morpheme for morpheme with example 184 showing regular sound correspondences. However, a root ∥√ƛ̕ip∥ different from ∥√ƛ̕ič∥ does occur in Saanich with a meaning that fits this context, something like ‘extending outer layer’, appearing, for example, in the words /ƛ̕íƛ̕əptn/ ‘skirt’ and /ƛ̕pílqən/ ‘long, outside feathers of a bird’.

2.2.10.1.14. ∥=eləʔ∥ ‘container; person’. Because the two glosses for this suffix are so different, this form may represent two homophonous morphemes. However, it may be that people are perceived as being in some sense containers. This suffix appears with the meaning ‘person’ when and only when affixed to a numeral or ordinal stem, so examples 186 to 189 can only refer to containers; examples 190 and 191 can refer only to people.
186. š-xʷ√čəqʷ=ə́w̕s=eləʔ ‘Fireplace.’ [S-LOC√burn=fire=container]
187. š√tal̕əw=éləʔ ‘River bank.’ [S,LOC√river=container]
188. š-xʷ√ʔiʔ=éləʔ ‘Bladder.’ [S-LOC√good=container]
189. š√xʷim=éləʔ ‘Store.’ [S,LOC√buy=container]
190. √ŋəs=éləʔ ‘Four people.’ [√four=container]
191. √ɬč=éləʔ ‘He’s first (in a race).’ [√ahead=container]

2.2.10.1.15. ∥=eleq∥ ‘wave’.
192. √hə́y̕=ələq ‘Ocean swell.’ [√protrude=wave]
193. √č(éʔ)q=əl̕əq ‘Big wave.’ [√big(ACT)=wave]
194. √qʷɬ=əléq-əŋ ‘Wave breaking into shore.’
195. √x̣ʷəŋ=éləq-ən ‘Swift water.’ [√fast=wave-INST]

2.2.10.1.16. ∥=alas∥ ‘eye; round; color’. See also §2.2.10.1.44. The connection between ‘eye’ and ‘round’ is obvious. Connections between either of these and ‘color’ are less so. It may be that beads, brightly and variously colored, form the semantic link.
196. √č̕p̕=áləs-əŋ ‘His eyes are closed.’ [√close=eye-CMDL]
197. s√t̕əqəʔ=áləs ‘Black eye.’ [S√bruise=eye]
198. √ƛ̕əqt=áləs ‘Oblong.’ [√long=eye]
199. √šp=áləs ‘Pare (potatoes, apples, etc.).’ [√whittle=eye]
200. √ƛ̕t̕^θ=áləs ‘Tight weave.’ [√tight=eye]
201. √ləx̣=áləs ‘Loose weave.’ [√loose=eye]
202. s√q̕əl̕=kʷ=áləs ‘It’s wound up (yarn into a ball).’ [STAT√turn around=clothing=eye]
203. √ʔiʔ=áləs ‘Bright eyes; bright color.’ [√good=eye]
204. √nəč̕=áləs ‘Multicolored.’ [√different=eye]
205. √ɬəph=əlás-əŋ ‘He blinked.’

2.2.10.1.17. ∥=éləs∥ ‘testicles’. See also §2.2.10.1.44.
206. xʷ√čx̣ʷ-l=éləs-t-əs ‘She (the mother) spits on his (the baby’s) testicles.’ [LOC√expectorate-CONNEC=testicles-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)-3SUBJ]

2.2.10.1.18. ∥=aɬ∥ ‘offspring, youngster’. Pidgeon gives /=áləɬ/ as the consistent ly occurring form of this suffix. I have recorded it always as either /=áɬ/ or /=əɬ/. This discrepancy is puzzling. Compare especially the first two examples given below with Pidgeon’s (p.22).
207. s√peʔəθ=áɬ ‘Baby bear.’ [S√bear=offspring]
208. s√wəy̕q=áʔ=əɬ ‘Boy.’ [S√man=person=offspring]
209. √pus=áɬ ‘Kitten.’ [√cat=offspring]
210. √θəŋ̕íʔ=əɬ ‘Pack a baby on one’s back.’ [√pack on back=offspring]
211. √qʷə́l-ŋəč=əɬ-t-əŋ sən ‘She had a talk with my kid.’ [√talk-REL=offspring-CTRAN-PASS 1SUBJ]

2.2.10.1.19. ∥=eɬ∥ ‘times’. This suffix is acceptable, apparently, only with numbers three through ten and with the roots ∥√k̕ʷən∥ ‘how many’ and ∥√ŋən̕∥ ‘many’.
212. √k̕ʷən=éɬ kʷən̕-s√yéʔ ‘How often did you go?’ [√how many=times SUB 2POS-S√go]
213. √ŋən̕=éɬ ‘Lots of times.’
214. √ŋəs=éɬ ‘Four times.’
215. √ʔəpən=éɬ ‘Ten times.’

2.2.10.1.20. ∥=iɬč∥ ‘plant, tree, bush’.
216. s√ŋəs=íɬč ‘Four trees.’
217. √səniʔ=íɬč ‘Oregon grape bush.’ [√Oregon grape=plant]
218. √čəŋ̕=íɬč ‘Oak tree.’ [√adze=plant]
A few words have /=əɬp/, presumably a cognate loan from Cowichan.
219. čə́w̕nəɬp ‘Cottonwood.’
220. q̕ʷə́yəl̕əšəɬp ‘Blue Spruce.’
With roots borrowed from English, however, ∥=iɬč∥ regularly occurs:
221. √kələnts=íɬč ‘Currant bush.’
222. √ʔepəls=íɬč ‘Apple tree.’

2.2.10.1.21. ∥=aɬən∥ ‘fish’? The gloss for this is tentative since this suffix has been found in only one word.
223. s√t̕^θəm̕=áɬən ‘Salmon backbone.’ [S√bone=fish]

2.2.10.1.22. ∥=eɬsə∥ ‘water’.
224. √ƛ̕əɬ=éɬsə ‘Salt water.’
225. s√čx̣ʷ=éɬsə ‘Saliva.’ [S√expectorate=water]
226. √ŋəq̕=ə́ɬsə-ŋ ‘Swallow with no food in mouth.’ [√swallow=water-CMDL]

2.2.10.1.23. ∥=ɬšeʔ∥ ‘tens’. This suffix appears only on the numbers thirty through seventy-nine and ninety through ninety-nine. The word for ‘twenty’ is /t̕^θə́xʷkʷəs/ and ‘eighty’ is /štəmáʔəs/.
227. √ɬəxʷ=ɬšéʔ ‘Thirty.’ [√three=tens]
228. √ŋəs=ɬšéʔ ‘Forty.’
229. √ɬqə=čs=ɬšéʔ ‘Fifty.’
230. √t̕x̣əŋ=ɬšéʔ ‘Sixty.’
231. √t̕^θəʔkʷəs=ɬšéʔ ‘Seventy.’
232. √təkʷxʷə=ɬšéʔ ‘Ninety.’
233. √ɬəxʷ=ɬšéʔ ʔiʔ kʷ s√nə́t̕^θəʔ ‘Thirty-one.’

2.2.10.1.24. ∥=íiməʔ∥ ‘appearance’.
234. √ql=íiməʔ ‘It’s dirty, messy (e.g. a house).’ [√bad=appearance]
235. √ʔiʔ=íiməʔ ‘It’s clean (neat, tidy).’ [√good=appearance]
236. xʷ√qəl=íiməʔ=əs ‘He’s ugly.’ [LOC√bad=appearance=face]

2.2.10.1.25. ∥=amət∥ ‘blanket, flat object’. All observed occurrences of this suffix are with roots denoting quantity. It is used with numerals for counting blankets, sheets, or other flat objects. It does not occur with /t̕áʔkʷəs/ ‘seven’, /téʔθəs/ ‘eight’, /ʔápən ʔiʔ kʷs nə́t̕^θəʔ/ ‘eleven’, or numbers greater than nineteen.
237. √nət̕^θʔ=ámət √səmáy̕ ‘One blanket.’ [√one=blanket √blanket]
238. √ŋəs=ámət ‘Four blankets.’
239. √ʔəpən=ámət ʔiʔ kʷs √čə́səʔ √səmáy̕ ‘Twelve blankets.’ [√ten=blanket ACCOM DEM √two √blanket]

2.2.10.1.26. ∥=en∥ ‘ear’.
240. s√ƛ̕ə́w=ən ‘Earring.’
241. √ɬq̕=en ‘One of a pair of earrings (but not one of a pair of ears).’ [√one of a pair=ear]
242. s√ʔəʔč=én ‘Pair of ears, earrings.’ [√pair=ear]
243. s√q̕ʷəléʔ=ən ‘Deaf.’

2.2.10.1.27. ∥=een∥ ‘arrow, angle’. This suffix denotes flat pointed objects whereas ∥=əqsən∥ (§2.2.10.1.42) involves conical pointed objects. This may be related to the suffix for ‘ear’.
Saunders and Davis (1975) suggest that the angle formed by the side of the head, neck, and shoulder, the ear area, is the semantic connection.
244. √t̕^θəm̕=éen ‘Arrow.’ [√bone=arrow]
245. √šp=éen-ət ‘Sharpen the point (of an arrow or knife).’ [√whittle=arrow-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)] (Compare with example 290.)
246. √səq=éen ‘Type of fern that grows in open fields.’ [√outside=arrow]
247. s√č̕t̕^θ=éen̕-əʔ ‘Corner inside a house.’
The analysis of example 247 is uncertain.

2.2.10.1.28. ∥=neč∥ ‘tail, rear end’.
248. s√ƛ̕əp̕éy̕s=nəč ‘Tail.’
249. xʷ√ƛ̕éqt=nəč ‘Cougar.’ [√long=tail]
250. xʷ√q̕étx̣-əm=nəč ‘Rattlesnake.’ [LOC√shake a rattle-CMDL=tail]
251. xʷ√ʔam̕ət=néč ‘He’s squatting.’ [LOC√sit=tail]
252. √kʷəθ=néč-t ‘He tilted it (lifted it at one end).’

2.2.10.1.29. ∥=ənəkʷ∥ ‘ground, floor’. The word for floor itself shows the occasional Cowichan borrowing /=ənə́p/.
253. ɬəx̣ənə́ptən ‘Floor.’
254. s√ɬəq̕=ənə́kʷ ‘Flat; level ground.’ [S√wide=ground]
255. √ʔel̕əŋ=ənə́kʷ-s ‘It’s the ir village.’ [√home=ground-3POS]

2.2.10.1.30. ∥=enkʷəs∥ ‘stomach, gut feelings’. Pidgeon gives several examples of this suffix with the literal meaning ‘stomach’ (p.25). I have not been able to elicit these, but see §2.2.10.1.41 below.
256. √ʔiʔ=énkʷəs ‘He’s brave.’ [√good=stomach]
257. √ʔəh=énkʷəs ‘He’s cowardly.’

2.2.10.1.31. ∥=ɬnel∥ ‘throat’.
258. √t̕ik̕ʷ=ɬnél-ət-əŋ ‘He got strangled.’ [√choke=throat-CTRAN-PASS]
259. s√q̕sə́=ɬnəl ‘Necklace.’

2.2.10.1.32. ∥=nəs∥ ‘tooth’.
260. √t̕ə́m̕=nəs ‘He got hit in the teeth.’

2.2.10.1.33. ∥=inəs∥ ‘chest’.
261. √t̕əm̕=ínəs ‘He got hit on the chest.’
262. s√t̕^θəm̕=ínəs ‘Sternum.’ [S√bone=chest]
263. √t̕k̕ʷ=ínəs ‘He choked.’ [√choke=chest]
264. √ʔəɬən=ínəs ‘Heartburn.’ [√eat=chest]

2.2.10.1.34. ∥=net∥ ‘day, twenty-four hour period’. It is not clear whether this morpheme should be considered a lexical suffix or a root that commonly appears in compounds. A root having the same form and similar meaning does exist: ∥√net∥ as in /snet/ ‘night’. When this form appears as a root it always has the meaning ‘night’ rather than ‘twenty-four hour period’, the consistent meaning of the suffix.
265. s-x̣éʔ+√x̣əʔ-ɬ=net ‘Sunday.’ [S-CHAR+√sacred-DUR=day]
266. s√θə́ŋ=net=s ‘Tuesday.’ [S√second=day=day]

2.2.10.1.35. ∥=enəxʷ∥ ‘season’.
267. s√xʷis-əl=énəxʷ ‘Autumn.’

2.2.10.1.36. ∥=aŋ̕əʔ∥ ‘berry’.
268. √t̕^θq̕ʷ=áŋ̕əʔ ‘Red raspberry.’
This same root appears with the cognate suffix, /=am̕əʔ/, borrowed from Cowichan but with a slightly dif ferent meaning.
269. √t̕^θq̕ʷ=ám̕əʔ ‘Blackcap berry.’
There are two roots, meaning ‘rotten’ and ‘punch’, with the same form as the root in these examples. It is unclear which, if either, it may be.

2.2.10.1.37. ∥=ŋixʷ∥ ‘being’. The gloss here is certainly inadequate, but it is difficult to come up with a single phrase common denominator for this suffix. L. C. Thompson (p.c.) suggests the gloss ‘cluster’ since each word this suffix is used with refers to a complex cluster of attributes. Another common characteristic is that each of the things referred to using this suffix can be thought of as animate or almost animate. And this is perhaps related to the fact that each of the words refers to things that are thought of as posessing a high degree of natural spiritual power. In any case, consider the gloss merely a suggestive mnemonic tag.
270. √ʔəɬt-él=ŋəxʷ ‘Person, Indian.’
271. √xʷíl=ŋəxʷ ‘Indian.’
272. s√xʷəl=ŋíxʷ-əɬ ‘It’s from the Indians (e.g. lacrosse, totem poles).’
273. √ŋəθ-él̕=ŋəxʷ ‘West Coast people.’
274. s√qəl-él=ŋəxʷ ‘Tree (large).’
275. s√t̕él=ŋəxʷ ‘Medicine.’ [S√numb=being]
276. √č̕ət̕^θ-él̕=ŋəxʷ sən ‘I’m milking (a cow).’
Haeberlin (M. T. Thompson, 1974:283) has several examples of a Kalispel suffix /=mxʷ/ meaning ‘breast’. This last example may show the Saanich cognate.

2.2.10.1.38. ∥=qəč∥ ‘smell’.
277. √ʔiʔ-él=qəč ‘It smells good.’ [√good-CONNEC=smell]

2.2.10.1.39. ∥=qən∥ ‘hair, fur, feather’.
278. s√ƛ̕pí-l=qən ‘Feather.’ [S√extending outer layer-CONNEC=hair]
279. š-xʷ√ʔəp-ə́l=qən ‘Hair brush.’ [S,LOC√stroke-CONNEC=hair]
280. √téw̕=qən ‘Mourn the dead.’ [√break=hair]
281. √ləmətúw-əl=qən ‘Sheep’s wool’ [√sheep (< French "le mouton")-CONNEC=hair]

2.2.10.1.40. ∥=qən∥ ‘pharynx, language’. See also §2.2.10.1.50.
282. √xʷənítəm=qən sən ‘I speak English.’ [√White man=pharynx 1SUBJ]
283. xʷ√sénəč=qən sən ‘ I speak Saanich.’ [LOC√Saanich=pharynx 1SUBJ]
284. xʷ√méʔkʷəɬ=qən sən ‘I said something I didn’t mean to say.’ [LOC√mistake, hurt=pharynx 1SUBJ]
285. √ŋəθ-él̕=ŋəxʷ=qən ‘West Coast language.’
286. √x̣ə́y̕=əq-əɬ ‘Something’s stuck in his throat.’

2.2.10.1.41. ∥=iqən∥ ‘belly’.
287. √čq=íqən ‘He’s big bellied.’ [√big=belly]
288. √t̕əm̕=íqən sən ‘I got hit on the belly.’ [√hit=belly 1SUBJ]

2.2.10.1.42. ∥=əqsən∥ ‘nose, point, protrusion’. See §2.2.10.0.1 for other examples of this suffix. See also §2.2.10.1.27.
289. s√t̕^θəm̕-él=əqsən ‘Bridge of the nose.’ [S√bone=nose]
290. √šp=əqs-t sən səʔ ‘I will sharpen it (a pencil).’ [√whittle=nose-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) 1SUBJ FUT]
291. √nəw̕=ə́qs-t ‘Stick it in (something pointed into something hollow).’ [√inside=nose-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)]
292. √tkʷ=ə́qsən ‘He broke the point; he broke his nose.’

2.2.10.1.43. ∥=iqʷ∥ ‘head’.
293. √t̕əm̕=íqʷ ‘He got hit on the (top of his) head.’
294. s√q̕əlp=íqʷ ‘Curly hair.’ [S√curl (borrowed from Cowichan? Saanich root is ∥√q̕əlkʷ∥)=head]
295. √č̕əp̕=íqʷ-t-əŋ sən ‘Some body squeezed my head.’ [√squeeze=head-CTRAN-PASS]
296. √t̕^θəkʷ=íqʷ-əŋ ‘She’s cleaning her hair.’
297. √x̣ə́ɬ=əqʷ ‘Headache.’ [√feel bad=head]
298. √čə́s=əqʷ ‘Hat.’ [√cover=head]

2.2.10.1.44. ∥=as∥ ‘face’. This seems to be the most frequently occurring of all the lexical suffixes. Suffixes ∥=alas∥ (§2.2.10.1.16) and ∥=éləs∥ (§2.2.10.1.17) are probably related to this one.
299. xʷ√t̕ə́m̕=əs ‘He got hit in the face.’
300. š-xʷ√t̕^θám̕=əs ‘Cheek bone.’
301. xʷ√néč̕=əs ‘He looks different.’ [LOC√different=face]
302. √x̣əl̕=ás-t-əŋ sən ‘Somebody’s taking my picture.’ [√draw=face-CTRAN-PASS 1SUBJ]
303. š√k̕ʷən=ás-əŋ ‘Mirror; window.’ [S,LOC√see=face-CMDL]
304. √q̕əp̕=ás-t tsə n̕-s√tíqew ‘Tie up your horse.’ [√gather, tie=face-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) DEM 2POS-S√horse]
305. xʷ√čx̣ʷ=ás-t-əŋ ‘Somebody spat on his face.’ [LOC√expectorate=face-CTRAN-PASS]

2.2.10.1.45. ∥=əs∥ ‘day’.
306. s√ɬíxʷ=s ‘Wednesday.’ [S√three=day]

2.2.10.1.46. ∥=sən∥ ‘foot, lower leg’.
307. xʷ√t̕^θəkʷ=sə́n̕-əŋ̕ sən ‘I’m washing my feet.’ [LOC√wash=foot-CMDL(ACT) 1SUBJ]
308. √qə́t=sən-tən ‘Dancer’s leg wraps.’ [√wrap around=foot-INST]
309. s√nə́x̣=sən ‘Toe.’ [S√digit=foot]
310. s√ʔəʔč-é=sən ‘Pair of feet, shoes, or socks.’
311. √t̕ə́m̕=sən ‘He got hit on the (lower) leg.’
312. √ɬək̕ʷ=sə́n-ət ‘Trip him.’ [√snare, snag=foot-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)]
313. √pəθ=sə́n-tən ‘Floor mat.’ [√spread out=foot-INST]
A few words appear with the suffix /=šən/ for ‘foot’. These are apparently borrowings from Cowichan.
314. qʷə́məx̣ʷšən ‘Ankle (thin part of leg).’
315. q̕ƛ̕əlšə́n ‘Calf of leg.’
316. qʷɬə́y̕šən ‘Shoe (log on the foot?).’

2.2.10.1.47. ∥=sis∥ ‘hand, lower arm’.
317. xʷ√t̕^θəkʷ=sí(ʔ)s-əŋ̕ sən ‘I’m washing my hands.’ [LOC√wash=hand-CMDL(ACT) 1SUBJ]
318. √ɬk̕ʷé=səs ‘He got hooked on the hand. [√snag, snare=hand]
319. s√nəx̣-ál=səs ‘Finger.’ [S√digit-CONNEC=hand] See also example 121 in §2.2.10.1.6.
320. √x̣p=ey̕-é=səs ‘Cedar bough.’
321. √kʷəxʷ=sís-əŋ ‘He knocked (on the door).’
322. √ɬəq̕ʷ=sís-t-əŋ ‘He got slapped on the hand.’

2.2.10.1.48. ∥=ətxʷ∥ ‘dollar’. This suffix apparently previously referred to ‘round objects’ (see M. T. Thompson, 1974 section 12.2.). However, today it is used only with words refering to numbers of dollars.
323. nət̕^θékʷətxʷ ‘One dollar.’
324. √ŋəs-él=ətxʷ ‘Four dollars.’
325. √ʔəpən-él=ətxʷ ‘Ten dollars.’

2.2.10.1.49. ∥=əθ∥ ‘edge’. Notice that this suffix is similar in shape to ∥=aθin∥ ‘mouth’ (§2.2.10.1.50). In other Salish languages a cognate is considered to be a single suffix with the meanings ‘mouth, edge’. M. T. Thompson (1974:238) suggests that the general meaning for both is ‘edge’ with the connection being the lips considered "the edge of the mouth".
It seems unlikely that the final /n/ in ∥=aθin∥ is the instrument suffix in Saanich as Pidgeon suggests (pp.40-41). Since there are two different forms with corresponding different meanings, it will be best to assume two separate morphemes, at least synchronically, for Saanich.
326. √ʔə́y̕=əθ ‘It’s sharp edged.’ [√good=edge]
327. š√t̕áq=əθ ‘Whetstone.’ [S,LOC√sharpen(RES)=edge]
328. √qə́l=əθ ‘It’s dull edged.’ [√bad=edge]

2.2.10.1.50. ∥=aθin∥ ‘mouth, chin, language’. See also §2.2.10.1.40.
329. √t̕əm̕=áθən ‘He got hit on the mouth (or chin).’
330. s√t̕^θəm̕=áθən ‘Jaw.’ [S√bone=mouth]
331. s√ɬ(əl)p̕=áθən ‘Lips.’ [S√sip(PL)=mouth]
332. s√ƛ̕č=áθən ‘Lower lip.’ [S√below=mouth]
333. √səmxʷ=áθən ‘Be quiet.’
334. √sənč=áθən sən ‘I speak Saanich.’ [√Saanich=mouth 1SUBJ]
335. √xʷənitəm=áθən ‘English language.’
336. √ʔəɬən=áθən ‘Eating berries out of the basket while picking.’ [√eat=mouth]
337. √kʷəx̣=θín-əŋ ‘He screamed.’
338. √ʔəx̣=θín-əŋ sən ‘I shaved.’ [√scrape=mouth-CMDL 1SUBJ]

2.2.10.1.51. ∥=it̕^θəʔ∥ ‘cloth, skin, hide’.
339. √ƛ̕x̣ʷ=ít̕^θəʔ ‘Stiff cloth.’ [√hard=cloth]
340. √qʷəl̕s=ít̕^θəʔ ‘She dyed it.’ [√boil=cloth]
341. š√nəw̕=ít̕^θəʔ šíp-ən ‘Pocket knife.’ [S,LOC√inside=cloth √whittle-INST]
342. s√pəl̕kʷ=ít̕^θəʔ ‘Screech owl, ghost, human corpse.’
The connection between the meaning of example 342 and the meaning of the suffix is unclear. This example may not actually belong here.

2.2.10.1.52. ∥=əwič∥ ‘back, spine’.
343. xʷ√t̕əm̕=əwíč ‘He got hit on the back.’
344. √k̕ʷəs=əwíč ‘He got burned on the back.’
345. √tkʷ=əwíč ‘He broke his spine.’

2.2.10.1.53. ∥=ew̕eč∥ ‘bottom’.
346. xʷ√t̕ə́m̕=əw̕əč ‘He got hit on the bottom.’
347. s√ƛ̕č=éw̕əč ‘Cellar.’ [S√deep=bottom]
348. š√t̕^θáʔt=əw̕əč ‘Heel.’
349. xʷ√šč̕=əw̕éč-t sən ‘I spanked him.’ [LOC√slap=bottom-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) 1SUBJ]
350. xʷ√q̕əm̕=əw̕éč-ən ‘Lizard.’ [LOC√break in two=bottom-INST] (So named, presumably, for its ability to regrow a severed rear end.)
351. š√t̕^θəʔ=əw̕éč-ən ‘Chair.’ [S,LOC√upon=bottom-INST]
When unstressed and following a /l/ or /l̕/ this suffix appears as /=əč/:
352. xʷ√líl̕=əč ‘Towner Bay.’ [LOC√far=bottom]
353. s√čs-él=əč ‘Stump; tree trunk.’ [S√grow-CONNEC=bottom]
354. s√ɬl-ál=əc = ‘Thigh; rump.’

2.2.10.1.54. ∥=aw̕əqʷ∥ ‘bundle’. The only recorded occurrences of this suffix involve numbers. Apparently this suffix is used today only in counting bundles of blankets at ceremonial gatherings.
355. √nət̕^θ=áw̕əqʷ ‘One bundle.’
356. √čs=áw̕əqʷ ‘Two bundles.’
357. √ɬxʷ=áw̕əqʷ ‘Three bundles.’
358. √ŋəs=áw̕əqʷ √pəq̕-ál=kʷət ‘Four bundles of blankets.’ [√four=bundle √white-CONNEC=clothing]

2.2.10.1.55. ∥=ə́w̕sə∥ ‘fire’.
359. š-xʷ√čəqʷ=ə́w̕s=eləʔ ‘Fireplace.’ [S,LOC√make=fire=container]
360. √səq̕-əl=ə́w̕sə ‘He split firewood.’ [√split-CONNEC=fire]

2.2.10.1.56. ∥=ew̕txʷ∥ ‘building, house, campsite’.
361. √čəq=éw̕txʷ ‘Longhouse.’ [√big=building]
362. √miɬəh=éw̕txʷ ‘Dance-house.’ [√dance=building]
363. √teləh=éw̕txʷ ‘Bank.’ [√money (< English "dollar")=building]
364. √saxʷəɬ=éw̕txʷ ‘Barn.’ [√grass=building]
365. s√t̕^θéʔ=əw̕txʷ ‘East Saanich Reserve (high campsite).’

2.2.10.1.57. ∥=ex̣ən∥ ‘arm, side of the body’.
366. s√kʷəm̕ƛ̕-əl=éx̣ən ‘Elbow.’
367. √t̕əm̕-əl=éx̣ən ‘He got hit on the arm.’
368. s-čə+√čəl̕=éx̣ən̕ sən ‘I’m carrying it under my arm.’ [STAT-ACT+√under, after=arm 1SUBJ]
369. š-xʷ√ʔíl=əx̣ən ‘Side of the body.’

2.2.10.1.58. ∥=ey̕∥ ‘wood’. None of the roots listed here occur without this suffix.
370. √qʷɬ=ey̕ ‘Log.’
371. √x̣p=ey̕ ‘Cedar.’
372. s√lə́w=iʔ ‘Cedar bark.’
373. √č̕əl=éy̕ ‘Bark (not cedar).’
374. s√t̕ét̕č=iʔ ‘Snag, dead tree.’
375. √pqʷ=ey̕ ‘Rotten wood.’
376. √t̕^θs=ey̕ ‘Douglas fir.’

2.2.10.2. The connectors are suffixes that appear between some roots and some lexical suffixes. Although they sometimes seem to narrow or extend the basic meaning of the suffix, any such semantic function is vague and inconsistent. It is also possible that they serve a prosodic function. When the connector has a vowel it is usually stressed.
The connectors are not limited to occurring between root and lexical suffix. They can also appear between roots of compound words, as in /√put-l√kʷíʔs/ ‘oar’ [√boat (< English)-CONNEC√move back and forth].
The functions of the connectors need much more detailed study. But here I merely list those observed to date: /-él-/, /-(h)ál-/, /-ə́l-/, /-(ə)l-/, /-é-/, /-í-/, /-ə́-/, /-ə-/. Notes to §2.2.

1. This term has been used by Thompson and Thompson (1971) and Raffo (1972) for the cognate morpheme in other Straits dialects.

2. This term has also been used by others for the cognate morpheme in other Straits languages.

3. This suffix is apparently cognate with a common Interior Salish morpheme glossed ‘stative’ by Mattina (1973) and ‘immediate’ by Thompson and Thompson (in press).

4. This may be cognate with any or all of three morphemes in Interior Salish labeled ‘autonomous’, ‘developmental’, and ‘translocational’ by Thompson and Thompson (in press).

5. Mattina (p.c.) has since reanalyzed this as /-tn/ ‘instrumental’. The /t/ always precedes the /n/ in this morpheme.

6. In Lushootseed the cognates -təd and -əd are phonologically conditioned variants of a single morpheme (Hess and Hilbert, 1980:153).

7. See Saunders and Davis (1975), Hagege (1976), Egesdal (1981), and Czykowski (1982) for various views on the origin and status of Salish lexical suffixes.

8. The suffixes in §2.2.10.1 are listed in alphabetical order (ʔ č č̕ h kʷ k̕ʷ l l̕ ɬ ƛ̕ m m̕ n n̕ ŋ ŋ̕ p p̕ q q̕ qʷ q̕ʷ s š t θ t̕^θ w w̕ xʷ x̣ x̣ʷ y y̕) ignoring vowels. Forms that show /y/ ∼ /č/ or /w/ ∼ /kʷ/ alternation are given with the resonant in the underlying form but are alphabetized as obstruents.

9. A sixth may be /tíxʷθəɬ/ ‘tongue’. Though I was unable to elicit a corresponding lexical suffix, Pidgeon (1970) gives several examples of /=xʷθəɬ/ ‘tongue’.

10. This may be true of Straits in general. Efrat (1969) and Raffo (1972) each list fewer than forty. These low numbers may simply be due to the relatively little work Straits has seen in this area.